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THE FAVORITE PHOTOGRAPH OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 



THE 



ILLUSTRIOUS LIFE 



OF 



WILLIAM McKINLEY 

OUR MARTYRED PRESIDENT 



By MURAT HALSTEAD 

FOR THIRTY YEAR THE PERSONAL FRIEND OF THE PRESIDENT, AUTHOR OF HISTORY 

OF THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES, STORY OF CUBA, STORY 

OF THE PHILIPPINES, ETC , ETC. 



The Tbue Stoht of tiie Assassination, in the Shadow 
OF Death, Passing Away, Funeral, Ceremonies S ^ 
Together with His Ancestry, Boyhood, Student Days, 
His Career as Soldier, IjAwyer, Statesman, Governor, 
AND President, the Principles for which He Stood 
and the Triumphs He Achieved, and His Home Life 



ANARCHY, ITS HISTORY, INFLUENCES AND DANGERS, WITH A SKETCH 
OF THE LIFE OF THE ASSASSIN 



S\/'PE'R:BLy ILLJJST'RATE'D 

WITH NCMEHOtIS BNGBAVINGS MADK FBOM 
OBIGINA]^ PHOTOGBAPH8 










Copyright 1901 

BY 

MURAT HALSTEAD. 



All Rights Reserved. 



PREFACE. 



The Author of this book had the pleasure and advantage of the 
personal acquaintance and the honor of friendship and confidence of 
William McKinley for a quarter of a century, and as a public journalist 
knew the public men of his State — knew the man McKinley at his 
homes in Ohio and Washington — knew his friends — he had no enemies 
- — knew his I'elatious with men and measures, and there was not a blot 
on the illuminated pages of that open book, his life. 

There has been no embarrassment in the work of biography, from 
the beginning to the completion, save in the surpassing riches of the 
material testified by clouds of witnesses. It is a life illustrious indeed, 
without a blemish or a flaw, nothing to avoid, explain or extenuate. 
His good reputation is the white light of a cloudless sky, no shadow 
falling to dim the deeds of a day. 

The life of William McKinley, twenty-fifth President of the United 
States, was luminously representative of the better characteristics of 
Americanism. He was the ninth President re-elected. Washington, 
Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Jackson, Lincoln, Grant, Cleveland and 
McKinley are the names of that list. 

The first recorded leadership of McKinley is that he was the fore- 
most boy of his village to leave school and go for a soldier. He entered 
the first class in the army, that of the enlisted men, and was a man 
with a gun for fourteen months on his shoulder on the march, and 
against his shoulder on the fire line. 

When the war was over he was a Major, and always a Major with 
the majority. He is the only enlisted man in our history who served as 
a private in the ranks for a year and became President. 

He earned the promotions he got in war and in peace. From 
private to President, he secured no advance that was not coming to him. 
There is no prouder record written on the rolls of glory. 

7 

5). 



. 



''%t is foil's wraij; |tis tutXI, 
ti0t 0xirS; Ij« Jtl0tte/' 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



INTRODUCTION 19 

• 

CHAPTER I. 

THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 

Surroundings of McKinley's Birth — His Parentage and Army Experiences — The Mur- 
derous Assault at Buffalo — All the World Aroused — Hope of Recovery, but the 
Wound was Mortal — No Skill or Science Could Save — The Work the President 
so Loved to do was to be Done no More — He Had Finished His Course — The 
White House He was not Again to See — It was as by Miracle He Had Been Saved 
for the Wonderful Testimony of His Death — The Last Hours on Earth 31 

CHAPTER II. 

THE SHADOW OF DEATH. 

The Parting of the Dying President and His Wife — The Scene of the Death of the 
President — The Emotion of Senator Hanna — The President's Last Words — The 
Historical House Where He Died— The Shadows That Fell When Lincoln Fell.. 53 

CHAPTER III. 

ANARCHY— ITS HISTORY, INFLUENCES AND DANGERS. 

Leon Czolgosz, the Assassin of the President — The Story He Told of His Movements 
Previous to the Assassination — The Creed of Assassination — The Cunning Dis- 
played by These Red-Handed Assassins — How the Anarchists Select and Slay 
Their Victims with Ferocity 66 

CHAPTER IV. 

ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER THE ASSASSINATION. 

American Anarchists Assume to be Defiant — Astounding Development of a Political 
Policy of Assassination — Is a Penal Colony tor Cranks Needed?— A Shocking 
Array of Incidents — The Canker of Anarchy Displayed 74 

CHAPTER V. 

ANARCHY AS A DOCTRINE. 

Proposed International Remedy— The Inflammatory'State of the Public Mind— Inci- 
dents of a Warning Nature — Senator Depew / the Exposure of Our Presidents 

to Extraordinary Risks— The Necessity of Saf', ,uards 100 

9 



10 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER VI. 

McKINLEY'S BOYHOOD AND EARLY MANHOOD 

McKinley's Boyhood as Told by His Mother — His Steady Rise to Leadership— How He 
Studied and Grew Strong— His Early Tariff Speeches— The Law that Bears His 
Name — The Object-Lesson He Gave the Country in His Journey Across the 
Continent— A Story of Him as a Boy-Soldier — His Story of His Own Regiment... 108 

CHAPTER VII. 

McKINLEY AND PHIL SHERIDAN. 

Who Sheridan Found First at the End of His Famous Ride from Winchester to a 
Lost Battlefield that Was Soon Regained — A Letter From McKinley to Murat 
Halstead 122 

CHAPTER VIII. 

PRESIDENT McKINLEY AS A CONGRESSMAN 

Sixteen Years of "Strenuous Life" in the House — He Worked Hard, Did Not Seek to 
Push Himself — At Last Became a Leader and Had the Greater Share of Responsi- 
bility for the Great Law that Bears His Name — Gerrymandered Out of the House 
He Had Two Terms of Governor — The Masterly Logic of McKinley in Debating 
the Tariff Question 131 

CHAPTER IX. 

McKINLEY'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 

The Story of the Glory of McKinley's First Administration — How He Bore the Heat 
and Burden of the War, as Well as Inspired the Confidence of the Country and 
Prepared the Boon of Its Prosperity 140 

CHAPTER X. 

THE HIGH-WATER MARK OF AMERICAN PROSPERITY. 

McKinley's Administration Attained It — Let It Be the Policy of All to Maintain It — 
The Apotheosis of Our Martyr President is Instantaneous — He is Already En- 
graved Upon the Hearts of the People Above Party Strife— Character Study of 
Garfield and McKinley— The Peacefully Glorious Death of the President Will Be 
Immortal — The Power of Publicity 154 

CHAPTER XI. 

THE SECOND NOMINATION OF THE THIRD MARTYR PRESIDENT FOR THE 

PRESIDENCY. 

The Republican National Convention of 1900— McKinley's Nomination Seconded by 
Theodore Roosevelt — His Eloquent Words on that Memorable Occasion— Senator 
Depew's Address One of the Features of the Convention 160 




MKS. McKINLEY— WIDOW OF THE PRESIDENT. 




i 



THEODOEE ROOSEVELT, PRESIDENT OF UNITED STATES 

Theodore Roosevelt, recent Vice-President of the United States, has an ancestry 
going bacli to medieval times in Dutch history. He had served as a New Yorlf 
Assemblyman, a National Civil Service Commissioner and Police Commissioner 
for the City of New York, and at the breaking out of the Spanish War was Assist- 
ant Secretary of the Navy. He resigned at once and saw service with the Rough 
Riders in Cuba He was elected Governor of New York in 189S, and won with 
President McKinley in the campaign of 1900. He is the author of several works 
of a historical nature. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 13 

CHAPTER XII. 

THE CAMPAIGN OP 1900. 

McKinley's Ohio Home — His Notification at Canton of His Nomination for a Second 
Term of the Presidency — The Significance and Scenery of the Event — The Twen- 
ty-fifth President's Speech Accepting His Second Nomination and Reviewing the 
Promises His Administration Redeemed 172 

CHAPTER XIII. 

HOW PRESIDENT McKINLEY FACED THE PEOPLE. 

His Speeches to the Returned Soldiers from the Philippines and to the Men of 
Organized Labor— He Spoke in the Cities of the South, the Clubs and on Antietam 
Battlefield :S2 

CHAPTER XIV. 

PRESIDENT McKINLEY AS AN ORATOR. 

His Speeches Before the People Compared with those of Other Famous Americans — 
Extracts that Prove His Vast Scope of Information and Power of Varied E.Kpres- 
sion 203 

CHAPTER XV. 

THE HOME LIFE OF OUR MARTYRED PRESIDENT. 

Its Sacredness and Sorrows, Beauty and Tenderness— It was a Sanctuary of Love 
and Devotion — How the News of His Election to the Presidency was Received 
at His Canton Home 211 

CHAPTER XVI. 

McKINLEY'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

Opens with Courteous Expressions to Foreign Representatives— Praises the Exposi- 
tion — The Beneficent Use of the Telegraph in Peace and War— A Word for 
Reciprocal Treaties— A Plea for the Isthmian Canal and a Pacific Cable 221 

CHAPTER XVII. 

PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S FUNERAL AT BUFFALO, WASHINGTON AND CANTON. 

The Last View of the Martyr President's Face— Pathetic Scenes of Sorrow— The 
Simple Solemnities at Buffalo and the Tremendous Outpourings of People — A 
Somber Day at Washington— The Farewell to President McKinley at Canton 229 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

SPLENDID TRIBUTES TO McKINLEY. 
Orations by Men of the Highest Distinction— Rarely has Eulogy been so Superb, 
Sincere, or so Eloquent over the Grave of any Man— The Universal Acclaim is 
that Never were Affection and Admiration More Worthily Bestowed 253 



14 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

THE VOICE OF THE CLERGY ON THE MARTYRDOM OF McKINLEY. 

An Unexampled Union in Prayers and Sermons from All Christian Denominations, 
First that the Precious Life of the President Might Be Preserved, and that Hope 
Lost that the Lessons of His Life Might Live, and the Lessons of His Death Be 
an Everlasting Benediction to Mankind 272 

CHAPTER XX. 

THE SYMPATHY OP THE NATIONS. 

Heartfelt Expressions of Sorrow on the Assassination of President McKinley — The 
Third of the Chief Magistrates of the United States to Be Shot Down— Remark- 
able Expressions of Regrets and Regards from All Parts of the World 290 

CHAPTER XXI. 

TWO OF OUR PRESIDENTIAL TRAGEDIES. 

The Mortal Wounds of Garfield and McKinley Scientifically Compared— The Case 
Professionally Considered and a Most Interesting Study Made of the Medical 
Mysteries Attending the Death of the Two Latest Presidents Elected from Ohio.. 311 

CHAPTER XXII. 

THE PRESIDENT AND THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

The Inside History of the Paris Negotiation as Told in the Confidential "Cables" — 
Chiefly Those of the President From Which the Injunction of Secrecy Was Only 
Removed in January Last — This, Until Lately Secret History, Gives the Best Ex- 
pression of the Methods of the President and His Character that Anywhere 
Exists — It is Most Creditable and Gives a Perfectly Authentic Measure of the 
Man — How McKinley in Public Policy Was the Rock, While Those Against Him 
Were as the Waves ., 330 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

THE CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OP PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 

His Dying Recognition of "God's Way" — The Death of Mr. McKinley an Impressive 
Testimony — The Poetry About the Tragedy — The Keynote of Paith in Life — Dr. 
Talmage on McKinley's Religious Character 370 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

RECOLLECTIONS OF THE THREE MARTYR PRESIDENTS. 

The Way the News Came of the Assassination of Lincoln, Garfield and McKinley, 
Who Will Be Forever Known and Honored Because They Died by the Hands of 
Miscreants for the Cause of the Country — Pencillings by the Way, of Lincoln, 
Garfield and McKinley 402 



\ 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 15 

CHAPTER XXV. 

SCENES, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 

Illustrative of the Life of President McKinley and Its Associations— When McKinley 
Challenged the Vote of Ohio — A Picture Gallery of His Youth — His Conversion — 
Courtship— How He Was Attentive to His Wife— His Methodism— The Town in 
Which He Was a Boy— President McKinley's Will— The McKinley Farm Near 
Canton — McKinley as a Handshaker 415 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

THE TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT OP THE UNITED STATES. 

His First Official Act — His Earliest Transactions Gave Universal Confidence — In all 
Respects He Makes a Good Impression — He has in all His Ways Been Approved 
And all the People Hopefully and Confidently Wish Him Well — His Great Min- 
neapolis Speech on September 2d 433 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

THE ASSASSIN'S TRIAL AND SENTENCE TO DEATH. 

The Dignity of the Proceedings— The Testimony Taken Under Oath of Great Inter- 
est — The Trial Brought Out the Wretched Weakness of the Miscreant Murderer^ 
He Played His Ghastly Part In a Cringing Way, and Made a Most Miserable 
Show of Himself — His Cowardly Collapse When He Arrived at the Prison and 
Found tlfe Way He Stood with the People — Scenes of His Trial and Sentence 44S 



®ttrowolo0tj 






OP 



pteslbent Mtlliam nDclktnle^ 



BORN NILES, OHIO, JANUARY 29, 1843. 
SCHOOL-TEACHER, POLAND, OHIO, 1860. 
ENLISTED UNION ARMY JUNE, 1861. 
SECOND LIEUTENANT SEPTEMBER 24. 1862. 
FIRST LIEUTENANT FEBRUARY 7. 1863. 
CAPTAIN JULY 25, 1864. 
BREVET MAJOR FOR GALLANTRY, 1865. 
ADMITTED TO THE OHIO BAR 1867. 
ELECTED STATE'S ATTORNEY 1869. 
ELECTED FIRST TO CONGRESS 1876. 
RE-ELECTED 1878, 1880, 1882, 1884 TO 1890. 
ELECTED GOVERNOR OF OHIO 1891. 
RE-ELECTED GOVERNOR OF OHIO 1893. 
ELECTED PRESIDENT UNITED STATES 1896. 
RE-ELECTED PRESIDENT UNITED STATES 1900. 
SHOT BY AN ASSASSIN SEPTEMBER 6, 1901. 
DIED BUFFALO, N. Y., SEPTEMBER 14, 1901. 



16 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PAGE. 

Portrait — Last Picture of President McKinley 3 

Portrait — The Favorite Picture of President McKixley 4 

Portrait — Mrs. McKinley 11 

Portrait — Theodore Roose\'elt, President of the United States 12 

Portrait — President McKinley and His Cabinet at Time of His Assassination . . 21 

Portrait — Murat Halstead 22 

Drawing — Assassination of President McKinley 39 

Drawing — President McKinley's Farewell to His Wife 40 

Portrait — Leon Czolgosz, Who Shot President McKinley' 57 

Diagram Showing Points Where the Bullets Entered Body of President 

McKinley 58 

Assassin Czolgosz' Derringer 58 

Foster and Ireland 75 

Portrait — Emjia Goldman 76 

Portrait — James B. Parker 76 

Portrait — John G. Milburn 93 

Portrait — George B. Cortelyou 93 

Portrait — Dr. P. M. Rixey 93 

Portrait — Miss Grace Mackenzie 93 

Residence of President Milburn of the Pan-American Exposition. Buffalo 94 

Milburn Mansion (Rear) 94 

McKinley Homesstead, Canton, Ohio Ill 

Temple of Music, Buffalo, N. Y HI 

Drawing — Time to Dr.vw and Strike 112 

Drawing — ^All Nations Mourn President McKinley's Untimely Death 112 

Portraits — Three Pre.sidents Who Have Fallen Victims to Assassins' Bullets.. 129 

Portrait — Abraham Lincoln, Assassinated in 1865 130 

The Martyred Lincoln and His War Cabinet Reading the Emancipation 

PkocA^ma'^ion 147 

Drawing — T^^ie Assassination of President Lincoln 148 

Drawing — The Escape of the Assassin and the Panic of the Audience...! ... 148 

Drawing — Death-Bed Scene op President Lincoln | ... 165 

ViEwiNo Lincoln's Remains | . , ^.66 

17 



'•% 



18 ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE. 

PoKTEAiT — James Abeam Garfield, Assassinated 1881 183 

The National Capitol at Washington 184 

Portrait — William McKinley, Father of President McKinlet 201 

Portrait — Mrs. William McKinley, Mother of the President 201 

Birthplace of William McKinley, Niles, Ohio 202 

Catafalque in the National Capitol Used for the Third Time for a Stricken 

President 202 

Ida Saxton, Mrs. William McKinley (Four Views) 219 

William McKinley in Younger Days (Four Views) 220 

Portrait — Philip H. Sheridan 237 

Mr. and Mrs. McKinley Twenty Years Ago 238 

William McKinley as a Farmer 238 

President McKinley at Home 255 

Mr. and Mrs. William McKinley Out Driving 255 

William McKinley, Wife and Mother 256 

William McKinley as an Orator 273 

President McKinley Taking Oath of Office 274 

President McKinley and His War Cabinet of 1898 291 

The United States Senate Voting the $50,000,000 Spanish War Appropriation... 292 

The First M. E. Church, Canton, Ohio 309 

President McKinley's Transcontinental Trip 309 

Funeral Train Removing President McKinley's Body From Buffalo to Capitol.. 310 
President McKinley's Funeral Cortege On the Way to the Capitol at Wash- 
ington 310 

The Executive Mansion (White House) Washington 327 

East Room of the White House 328 

The McKinley Family Plat, Westlawn Cemetery, Canton, Ohio 345 

Vault in Cemetery, Canton, Ohio 345 

Drawing — Entering the Hall of Martyrs 346 

President Roosevelt and Family 363 

Wilcox Mansion, Buffalo < 364 

Library of the Wilcox Mansion, Buffalo 364 

President Roosevelt Taking Oath of Office 381 

Temporary Residence of President Roosevelt, Washington 382 

CzoLGOSz Listening to the Jury's Verdict of Guilty 382 

Thomas Penney 399 

Casket Covered With Floral Offerings Borne Up the Steps of the Capitol at 

Washington ■. 400 



INTRODUCTION. 

J4^ J» >^ 

A rapacity for notoriety seems to be the common characteristic of the 
murderers of our Presidents. They have slaughtered three of the noblest 
and tenderest and most generous of men, and it is not certain but the 
consuming passion of all the bloody miscreants was vanity. Among 
the assassins of our martyred Presidents the one who was in the greater 
degree insane was Booth. He had no grievance except that of senti- 
ment. He knew nothing of politics, but was for the section in which 
he was born. He was not a lunatic, but a madman. He was not at any 
time a combatant. Among the fighting men North and South was 
found first, when the war ended, the spirit of conciliation and generosity. 
They felt that the soldiers arrayed against each other were, after all, coun- 
trymen, and their destiny was to live together in their Father's house, 
that as the war was over, all the soldiers who had been in it should 
get together as "comrades." There was no rancor in personalities 
among the heroes of the contending armies. The splendid chapter of 
history made at "Appomattox" illustrates this, and the heroes who sur- 
rendered so honorably were twice vanquished, first by arms and then 
by kindness. The words current in the States of the fallen Confederacy 
were that "the South lost her best friend when Lincoln was killed," and 
will remain the true, settled feeling of those who saw too late the tender- 
ness of the heart of the President and the wisdom of his good will "with 
malice toward none, charity for all." The first martyred President was 
the victim of a vengeful folly and fury without understanding, and the 
loss to the whole country of the life put out in a frenzy was incalculable 
and everlasting. The wound is not healed and the scar can not be 
effaced. 

The murderer of President Garfield was a most ignoble creature, 
who distinctly belonged to the criminal class. The man was a strange 
mixture of vindictive vanity and vicious incapacity. He was of the 
most insignificant class of office seekers, especially persistent as well 
as ludicrous until he became a horror. His anxiety to be rewarded for 

19 



20 INTRODUCTION. 

services that were a part of his infuriate malady grew upon him. His 
despondency became malicious. He was a hissing serpent in the weeds. 
His idea of the public service and politician was embodied in the theory, 
after he had murdered the President, that he could dei}end upon others 
who were disappointed in the distribution of offices to sustain him in 
his policy of "removal." 

There were those who antagonized Garfield in respect to the distribu- 
tion of patronage (indeed, far the greater number of the faultfinders,) 
who had nothing in common with the assassin, but a powerful impres- 
sion that they were called upon to give command and that disobedience 
vas unfaithfulness. The life of President Garfield, before he was shot 
in the back, to linger from July to September, was troubled by assaults 
contemptible in origin and purpose. They were meant to annoy and 
threaten. A campaign of viciousness was opened. There were shots as 
from an ambush spitting from newspapers, because the President did 
not admit that his high office was held by a personal servant. After he 
had exerted himself to make peace subject to the maintenance of his dig- 
nity, he was aroused to assert himself without regard to antagonisms. 
The deluded assassin, through his trial, sought to appear as one who 
could claim as friends the critics of Garfield. He assumed they had been 
with him in feeling; that they sympathized with his selfishness and 
with the infamous origin of the invented grief that made him a murderer. 

Booth strode across the stage after entering Lincoln's box, and 
attitudinized crying "Sic semper tyrannis." There was a great army, 
but no sentinel, policemen or detective to guard Lincoln — it was held 
impossible that the President should be assassinated. Booth was hunted 
down and shot in a burning barn. He died deserted and in torture. 

Guiteau was displayed as the most deplorable and desperate wretch 
who, historically striking down a great man, was hanged by the neck with 
the utmost ignominy. He was the most loathsome reptile that ever ended 
a noble life, and made the word "removal" a synonym for murder. 

President McKinley, the kindliest of men, a hero equipped with all 
the generosities of manliness, whose titles to public respect and high 
regard were the most excellent of his era — a man who as a boy carried a 
musketintheranks of the army of his country, and was fearless as he was 
gentle, for "the bravest are the tenderest, the loving are the daring" — is 
the third President assailed by an assassin! One of the foremost men of 
all this world, winning not alone the applause of our own people, but 




PRESIDENT Mckinley and his cabinet at time of his assassination. 



HON. LYMAN J. GAGE. 

See'y of the Treasury. 
HON. JOHN D. LONG. 

Sec'v of th<' Navy. 
HON. .lAMES WILSON. 

!5ee"y of .\j!riciilture. 



HON. CHARLKS EMORY SMITH, 

Postinftster-drenernV 

PRESIDENT MrKINLEY. 
-ATTORNEY (iKSKK A I, KNOX. 



MdN. .lOHN HAY. 

Sec'v of State, 
HON. EI. III!" ROOT. 

s.-e V of Wii r, 
HON, ETHAN ALLEN HITCHCOCK, 

Sec'y of Interior, 




MURAT HAISTEAD 

Mr Murat HalsteacJ. author of this book, was a personal friend of William 
m,r q^itL »°."S i"",,,'""',^ "'™^'° Congress: a war correspontlent in the wa " 
our States, and in the Franco-German war. He has been an industrious writtr for 
newspapers and of books for fifty-two years. "'"uo wmti lor 



INTRODUCTION. 23 

from all the enlightened nations — one whose rare, high fortune it was 
to see the principles of public policy he had advocated as a young mem- 
ber of Congress made the law of the land under his leadership — vindi- 
cated by the unparalleled prosperity of the people, was the shining 
mark of organized murder. His steadfast sagacity, armed with the 
constitutional authority of the presidency of expanding America, includ- 
ing positions to command the greatest of the oceans of the globe — vic- 
torious in a wonderful war which was hastened to an early close by an 
unbroken succession of the triumphs of arms and of diplomacy — made 
the peace splendid as it was speedy — the humane war was crowded with 
conquest and covered with glory, but he incurred the hatefulness of the 
petty and the morose. 

This man, re-elected President of the United States honorably, with 
great majorities in the electoral college and the votes of the people — the 
event significant of peacefulness and of plenty in the land and the 
victories of peace not less renowned than those of war beyond the seas — 
this man who made the workingmen of America conquerors in their own 
right in the markets of the world — this man of the people, armed with 
all the graces of candor, confiding in the people as they in him, improved 
the first chance of leisure in an Administration as strenuous as success- 
ful. He crossed the continent from our ocean boundary on the east to 
the one on the west, going from Washington through the Southern cities 
to San Francisco, his movement a triumphal procession that will be 
memorable for the reciprocity of good wishes and the happiness of better 
acquaintance. This was an obvious and admirable demonstration of 
peace and prosperity and power in its plenitude. Though half of the 
programme was omitted because the President's wife became ill, yet the 
journey was strikingly successful, for the pageantry so simple was yet 
effective in its simplicity. It was through the heart of the South and 
touched the shore of the Pacific, the ocean of our archipelagoes in the 
greatest body of water the earth affords — including as our possessions 
groups of islands from Siberia to the tropics and the Hawaiian paradise 
and citadel of the South Sea. Through this thoughtful progress, one of 
music and waving banners, he was greeted by shouting millions from 
Old Virginia to the Golden Gate. There was silence and restraint re- 
turning, that the President's wife might be wafted to her home in quiet 
and make him happy by her recovery. This seemed to leave something 
undone by the President that he had promised the people — and as bis 

2 



24 INTRODUCTION. 

immense labors in good works were so far advanced, the country so 
brimming with the bounties of the American soil and American skilled 
labor — the wheatfields golden, the shops rich in orders — even a great 
altrike going on in bitter earnest yet in peace and order, a combat of 
principle and enlightenment as to the rules and regulations, the lines 
and precepts of the division of the shares of labor and capital — the 
President and his wife, away from the affairs of state, rested in their old 
home in Canton, Ohio, spending there months in a delightful vacation. 
This grateful repose was in the very house in which William 
McKinley, the young attorney, and his bride lived in the days of their 
youth, and there in the summer time they lived over the days of long ago. 
There Mrs. McKinley almost realized the fondest dream of her latest 
years, as she often expressed it to those near and dear to her — that of 
her husband living in their own precious home for her — the cares of 
greatofficeput aside; she tenderly would have them put far away forever. 
She wanted the time to come when her husband should belong to her, 
and not to the world. The dream had been of the time when the Presi- 
dent, the Governor of Ohio, the Congressman, should be a private citizen, 
and she a"nd he be as they were when young and lived in Canton. 

She did not imagine her delicate form, her weakness that was so 
strong in love, could outlast or leave the strong man, ever so loyally, so 
helpfully by her side. The house in Canton was doubly dear because, as 
the President took pleasure in saying, it was a present from his wife's 
father and that endeared it to them. Not only was there for them no 
place like home, but no home like that. It was from this charmed spot 
that at what seemed a call of duty they made the journey to Buffalo, 
which was to prove so memorable and so sorrowful. 

It is said that Abraham Lincoln on the night the assassin killed him, 
chatted with his wife in the box at the theater where they sat together 
hardly conscious of the passing play, and discussed plans, for the coun- 
try was to have peace, and they were interested with each other for they 
had not been able to think of their own future. The promise of peace to 
them was especially blessed, and the talk of Lincoln then and there was 
of going to Jerusalem. It is pathetic, that this seems to have been the 
last thought in the long burdened brain before the murderer's pistol 
was fired; his head fell on his bosom and there was for him "Jerusalem, 
the Golden." 

On the next to the last night that Garfield spent in the White House 



INTRODUCTION. 25 

before the murderer fired into his back and he was tortured to his death, 
he was asked by a friend how he was in health, for he had not been well 
for some weeks and there were considerable anxieties in that respect 
about him. He answered cheerfully, with that grand boyish sense of en- 
joyment that distinguished him in a pleasing mood, that he was much 
better, indeed quite well. He had been ill, he said, and the unpleasant 
controversy that had clung to him, was fatiguing, and he was weary, 
when suddenly came Mrs. Garfield's illness, and his mind, instead of 
being engaged with his own affairs that were diflicult enough to com- 
mand consideration, was absorbed with his wife's illness, that was grave 
enough to give cause for deep concern, and in doing so forgot himself. 
He said that he ceased to think of the back of his head or the top of it 
or the action of the heart and the worries over the ceaseless clamors 
about the appointments; all this was ended, like a storm blown over, and 
when Mrs. Garfield grew better and could go to the seaside to await his 
leisure for a trip to New England he found that he was quite well, and 
said that when ill it was the best medicine to be called away from think- 
ing of one's self. 

It will be remembered that on the 2nd of July he was shot in the 
morning as he was starting to go to Williams College, Western Massa- 
chusetts, and the conversation we quote was on the last night of June, 
and ended a few minutes before midnight. 

At that time President Garfield was buoyant and invited a friend to 
go with him to his old college scenes. He said, "Come, go; it is the 
sweetest place in the world." 

When the fatal shot was fired he was on the way to take the special 
train prepared for him and his Cabinet and was to meet his wife in her 
charm of convalescence at Elberon and go on to dine that night with 
Cyrus Field at his home on the Hudson; and he was to proceed next day 
to the College. At that hour Garfield felt himself as never before, truly 
the President of the United States, and the grandeur of his duty gave 
him for the first and last time a sense of elation. 

He regarded his greater trials as over. He was ready to meet oppo- 
nents as friends. Having declared independence he was solicitous for 
conciliation. He felt he had the power to make peace with honor; that 
he was going to see his old friends at a College Commencement that 
would be to him one of the most enjoyable reunions of his life. While 
the ghastly little fiend about to murder him was crouching behind the 



26 INTRODUCTION. 

door at the depot with bulldog pistol ready, the President was driving 
with Mr. Blaine from the White House, and they spoke of the freshness 
of the morning air. 

The third of our Presidents ambushed for martyrdom, went with 
Mrs. McKinley to face Fate under the gilded dome of the Pan-American 
Exposition where the drama of assassination had been rehearsed. The 
couple were drawn from their home retirement to an outing — a festiv- 
ity; it was part of the entertainment to see the great Pan-American dis- 
play, that indeed of a Congress of Nations so instructive as a collection 
of object lessons; and it was part of the superb entertainment planned 
to hear the ever solemn music of Niagara. 

It has been said innumerable times in respect to the vast majority of 
the people who come to us from Europe that they are not the less Amer- 
ican because born abroad, that indeed they are more than welcome to 
come to our country and find homes and the happiness of laborious and 
thrifty lives on our expanding lands; that we should not forget that 
people who come to us express in doing so a preference for the country 
that is commendable in spirit, while native Americans have no choice 
about it and should be careful in claiming superior merits for an invol- 
untary situation. It is time to classify the anarchist as an outsider, an 
invader. He is a man who has no country and redhanded against all 
men not of the school of murder. 

He feeds on false and foolish phrases, and though he may be born on 
this soil he is not an American. In the case of the assailant of President 
McKinley, he is the product of the worst of foreignism, though he was 
born in one of the cities on the Lakes; he comes of the despotism of 
Russia and the oppression of Poland and is as alien in his nature as in 
his nomenclature. It is worth thinking about as a dispensation that no 
American can pronounce his infamous name. 

The hostile spirit that this damnable assassin displayed against the 
one he called the "Great Ruler," as if it were a burning wrong to perform 
great functions, and a wrong demanding punishment of death to be 
inflicted by stealth. This litany of the Devil was taught by the wicked 
demagogy that is formidable in this country and seeks to classify people 
and incite classes to hostilities— that preaches anew the ancient imprac- 
ticabilities of a so-called Socialism that is tenacious because it feeds on 
ignorance and the rankling poisons that envenom reptiles. The latest 
Presidential assassin should not be allowed to pose as a hero, or come 



INTRODUCTION. , 27 

in contact with ttiose of his kind that they may be sympathetic and 
hatch more snakes' eggs. He is a murderer by profession and confession. 
He should be treated with humanity but with severity, and the more ab- 
solute solitude he has the better, with the exception of the sentinel's 
guard who sees that he does not console himself with self-destruction. 
It may be well to detain him a while for the use that may be made of 
him as an example. 

When the circumstances surrounding the Buffalo horror are calmly 
considered, it is obvious that the baffled assassin had accomplices; that 
his character and intentions were well known to a large circle. He was 
in funds to travel comfortably, to make the journey from Chicago to 
Buffalo, to put up at a hotel and to go to the lurking places of his fellow- 
serpents where they coil in infernal communion, but unhappily do not 
sting each other to death. He followed the President day after day, 
ready and resolved to slay. It is a part of the sworn obligation and faith 
and criminal pride of this wretch who fully accepts the anarchial doc- 
trine that he shall say and adhere to the old, familiar, easily told, 
formal, prescribed story that he had no accomplices. His life contra- 
dicts it. He surely had accomplices and sympathizers and presently 
they will be wanting to make public expressions of their fellowship with 
the murderer of the President. 

He had a choice in taking upon him what his accomplices call obliga- 
tions, to deny that he had helpers or to affect insanity. It is the rule of 
his order that one thing or the other is to be done in case a great ruler 
is the victim, and the vanity of this mad adder prevailed with him to 
seek to grasp the entire responsibility. It is the duty of the people to 
see that justice is done ironhanded for the protection of Law, Liberty 
and Life. 

The idea of government which prevailed for thousands of years was 
that the power of the State should be concentrated in the hands of the 
few and that as to locality it should be centralized. The most enlightened 
empires did not differ much in this respect from savage tribes. Babylon, 
Palmyra, Carthage, Rome, were cities that absorbed nations, wielded 
power from a few palaces; and when the capital city fell the govern- 
ment was disestablished. Constantinople became the rival of Rome in 
the decline of the Empire; and then there were two Empires to fall. 

It was the policy of the fathers of the American Republic to conserve 
the several colonies as States and remove the seat of Government from 



28 INTRODUCTION. 

immediate metropolitan influences. Washington City in the District of 
Columbia was a Southern idea — it was indeed Virginian. President 
Washington's first inauguration was in New York City, his second in 
Philadel^jhia, which was the seat of the general government when the 
Father of his Country died. The Potomac was the River of Washington. 
He was born and died near its waters and knew it from its mountain 
sources to the tidal bay through which it vanished in the sea. Washing- 
ton's preference largely contributed to the location of the National 
Capital. The place was a compromise. The location was near the cen- 
ter of population of the United States. It was thought to be not far 
from the dividing line between the North and the South. It was almost 
equi-distant from New England and the most Southern group of States. 
It was believed to be far enough inland to avoid danger from European 
fleets. The gigantic western growth of the country was not contem- 
plated. The controlling motive for the Southern movement from the 
Northern cities was that the seat of legislation should not be subjected 
to molestation by the mobs of cities. 

The representatives of the people should retire from the roar of the 
busy world to frame and command the execution of laws. In Iceland 
the Parliament of the Icelandic Republic for three hundred years met 
on the Hill of Laws, a space of a few acres, approachable only in single 
file by a path between volcanic fissures. The object was that the ser- 
vants of the people should escape from crowds. 

The example of the French of centralization in Paris was necessary to 
be avoided. Much inconvenience was submitted to with complacency on 
this account. It has been an element in American pride and confidence 
that there was no one spot on our widespread soil that if stricken by an 
enemy would prove to be a fatality to the country. The capture and 
burning of Washington City was an illustration in point. It has been 
the vital force of our government that it was based not upon the few but 
the many — that it was a Dynasty not of one family, but of millions of 
families and that a Dynasty of millions was indestructible as the union 
of States was indissoluble and that we were the strongest government 
in the world or that has ever existed in it, because we have more equal 
citizens than ever existed in any form of government. That this faith 
will be signally warranted by the result of the dealing we are bound to 
make thorough, with a secret and oath bound society of professional con- 
spirators against the general welfare — a society of doctrinal and actual 



INTRODUCTION. 29 

murderers alternately hiding in their dens and flaunting their banners 
in the streets — this may be announced without reserve. 

It is a necessity of public life that we shall find our system equal to 
the emergency when our Chief Magistrates are murdered or deliberately 
fired upon by the sportsmen of Anarchy out of a sense of "duty" and 
there is sought to be established by the lawless, the reckless and the 
devilish a reign of terror. We dare not doubt that the American people 
are equal to the task, for to confess inadequacy would be to admit that 
there is a fatal flaw in the system we have held as a sure foundation. 
The declaration of war upon our country by the anarchists must be met 
by the exercise of the Power that exists in the Constitution and in the 
People who have the sovereign, inalienable right to guard the Public 
Safety, even if there should be martial law proclaimed and its sternest 
decrees summarily executed to destroy the destroyers. This is a plain 
proposition. Those who praise the dogma of the duty of doing deeds of 
murder on their impulses according to their sentiments, and the inter- 
pretation of Liberty to mean freedom in the use of the bomb, the torch, 
the knife and the pistol, are lunatics that must be put away that they 
may not harm themselves or others or they are the sworn and desperate 
enemies of mankind and the alternative in their treatment is between 
solitai-y confinement and the swift and terrible fall of the sword of 
Justice. The anarchist murderer is the worst of all who shed men's 
blood without cause. The offense is most deadly and the penalty must 
be made Capital Punishment and that not hasty, but speedy when the 
truth is definite and certain. 



ILLUSTRIOUS LIFE 



. OF 



William McKinley 



CHAPTER 1. 

THE ASSASSINATION OF PKESIDENT McKINLEY. 

Surroundings of McKinley's Birth — His Parentage and Army Experiences— The Murderous 
Assault at Buffalo — All the World Aroused — Hope of Recovery, but the Wound was 
Mortal — So Skill or Science Could Save — The Work the President so Loved to do was 
to be Done no More — He Had Fiuislied His Course — The White House He was not Again 
to See — It was as by Miracle He Had Been Saved for the Wonderful Testimony of His 
Death — The Last Hours on Earth. 

When William McKinley was born at Niles, Trumbiill County, Ohio, 
January 29, 1843, his father was manager of an iron furnace, and the 
location was in a part of the country that was deeply interested in the 
iron industry. He got his interest in the protection of American in- 
dustry at home. One of the many thrilling incidents of his military 
life was at Kernstown, where his regiment lost 150 men. General Rus- 
sell Hastings reports the action when the brigade of Colonel R. B. Hayes 
was forced in the direction of Winchester, and "just then," says Hast- 
ings, "it was discovered that one of the regiments was still in the orchard 
where it had been posted at the beginning of the battle. General Hayes, 
turning to Lieutenant McKinley, directed him to go forward and bring 
away that regiment, if it had not already fallen. McKinley turned his 
horse and, keenly spurring it, pushed it at a fierce gallop obliquely to- 
ward the advancing enemy. 

"A sad look came over Hayes' face as he saw the young, gallant boy 
pushing rapidly forward to meet almost certain death. . . . None 
of us expected to see him again, as we watched him push his horse 

31 



32 THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 

through the open fields, over fences, through ditches, while a well- 
directed fire from the enemy was poured upon him, with shells explod- 
ing around about and over him. 

"Once he was completely enveloped in the smoke of an exploded 
shell, and we thought he had gone down, but no, he was saved for better 
work for his country in the future years. Out of this smoke emerged his 
wiry little horse, with McKinley still firmly seated, and as erect as a 
hussar. 

"McKinley gave the Colonel the orders from Hayes to fall back, 
saying, in addition: 'He supposed you would have gone to the rear with- 
out orders.' The Colonel's reply was: 'I was about concluding I would 
retire without waiting any longer for orders. I am now ready to go 
wherever you shall lead, but, Lieutenant, I "pointedly" believe I ought 
to give those fellows a volley or two before I go.' McKinley's reply was: 
'Then up and at them as quickly as possible.' And as the regiment arose 
to its feet the enemy came on into full view. Colonel Brown's boys 
gave the enemy a crushing volley, following it up with a rattling fire, 
and then slowly retreated." 

There was a great deal of hard fighting in that part of the world and 
Lieutenant McKinley was in the hot places. President Hayes, giving 
him his clear due, said that "when he joined the regiment he was then a 
boy and had just passed the age of 17. He had before that taught 
school, and was coming from an academy to the camp. He, with me, en- 
tered upon a new, strange life — a soldier's life— in the time of actual 
war. We were in a fortunate regiment — its Colonel was William S. 
Rosecrans— a graduate of West Point, a brave, a patriotic and an able 
man, who afterwards came to command great armies and fight many 
famous battles. Its Lieutenant Colonel was Stanley Matthews— a 
scholar and able lawyer, who, after his appointment to the Supreme 
bench, the whole bar of the United States was soon convinced was of 
unsurpassed ability and character for that high place. 

"In this regiment Major McKinley came, the boy I have described, 
carrying his musket and his knapsack." 

The first election of McKinley to Congress was in 1876, and he was 
a member through the four years of President Hayes; and Mr. and Mrs. 
McKinley had a second home then in the White House. He served four- 
teen years in Congress and four years as Governor of Ohio. 

His life had been one long schooling for the Presidency — first, the 



THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 33 

sturdy school boy and teacher, then the army, a student of law. Con- 
gressman and Governor. He never ceased to grow and never grew so 
fast as when President, unless indeed it was when he was in the army. 
It was not the personal desire of President McKinley to serve a second 
term for the Presidency, but he was overruled by public events and a 
public sentiment that could not be denied. He saw his duty and obeyed, 
but he put a summary end to the gossip about a third term in this con- 
clusive letter: 

"I regret that the suggestion of a third term has been made. I doubt 
whether I am called upon to give it notice. But there are now questions 
of the gravest importance before the administration and the country, 
and their just consideration should not be prejudiced in the public mind 
by even the suspacion of the thought of a third term. In view, therefore, 
of the reiteration of the suggestion of it, I will say now, once for all, ex- 
pressing a long-settled conviction, that I not only am not and will not be 
a candidate for a third term, but would not accept a nomination for it if 
it were tendered me. 

"My only ambition is to serve through my second term to the accept- 
ance of my countrymen, whose generous confidence I so deeply appre- 
ciate, and then, with them, to do my duty in the ranks of private citizen- 
ship. WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

"Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, June 10, 1901." 

In the "Independent," dated the day before the assassination, ap- 
peared an article on "The President at Work," contributed by Col. 
Albert Halstead, a Washington correspondent, who was on the staff of 
Governor McKinley in Ohio and with him during the campaign of 
re-election. This article gives an authentic account of the President's 
home habits and methods of work in the executive mansion. The Presi- 
dent ate his breakfast at eight and spent an hour in reading the papers, 
going at ten to the Cabinet room, where he had his private ofBce. There 
he found on his desk a typewritten paper, "The President's Engage- 
ments," with the date, with the names of callers who had engagements, 
and a line stating the purpose. When the caller arrived the President 
waited for him to state his business, and usually remained standing, 
"but if he sits down it is time to retire when he rises." President 
Arthur's rule was to keep on his feet to expedite business. 

"It is not always necessary, though better, to make an engagement 



34 THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 

to see the President. On Tuesdays and Fridays, Cabinet meeting days, 
he receives no visitors except Senators and Representatives, and these 
only from ten to eleven. On other week days he is accessible from ten 
to half past one. Promptly at the latter hour Captain Loeffler, in 
charge of the door to the Cabinet room, who has been there since the 
days of Lincoln, enters and tells the President the hour. That is the 
signal for luncheon. Except in long protracted Cabinet meetings he 
never fails to start promptly for the dining room, an invariable rule 
to prevent irregularity and injury to health. Before his severe attack 
of grip last winter the President often saw callers in the afternoon from 
three to four. After luncheon he goes to the 'red bedroom,' now a 
comfortable sitting room facing south and overlooking the Potomac. 
There he works, either alone or with his secretary, transacting public 
business, deciding upon appointments and considering other questions. 
When he is thus engaged the President is not interrupted, even by 
Cabinet officers, unless they are summoned. When in health Mrs. Mc- 
Kinley was wont to be there with him, busy with some fancy work. 

"At four Mr. McKinley goes out driving with Mrs. McKinley, or 
takes a walk. Sometimes in the morning, when the weather is favor- 
able, he goes walking with some friend or his secretary. On returning 
from his afternoon outing he sleeps for half an hour, having the faculty 
of laying aside cares and going to sleep easily. This nap is more 
refreshing than rest at any other time. It means renewed strength 
and peace after a troublesome day, a habit that is his physical salva- 
tion. The President is not a sportsman. Hunting or fishing have no 
charms for him. The Cabinet officers and even Justices of the Supreme 
Court have been known to play golf or tennis, no President has ever 
done so. Mr. McKinley is fortunate in requiring little exercise. Walk- 
ing is his only recreation of this kind, and of that he does comparatively 
little. While for a time he rode horseback, it has no present charm 
for him. 

"Promptly at seven the President has dinner, often with a friend 
or official who comes informally. After dinner he relaxes. The en- 
trance to the conservatory is his favorite place to smoke with guests 
or callers, intimate, personal or political friends, who happen in. Pub- 
lic affairs are sometimes discussed, but this is particularly a period of 
quiet and relief from care, when he enjoys the society of those he likes 
best or, with Mrs. McKinley, listens to music. About a quarter of ten 



THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 35 

the President goes upstairs to look over Important letters with his 
secretary, sign commissions, dictate letters, write a state paper or dis- 
pose of other public business until eleven, when he usually retires. 
During the Spanish war and the critical days of the Philippine insur- 
rection he was frequently busy with his military advisers until early 
morning. 

"Seldom does a State paper go out without the President's personal- 
ity impressed upon it. If he does not prepare it himself he generally 
inspires it. When a Cabinet officer prepares a paper for him it is 
invariably altered by the President in some phrase or expression, bet- 
ter to express or qualify a meaning. When he makes a change it is 
usually an improvement, no matter who happened to prepare the docu- 
ment. Cabinet officers say in private that they cannot write anything 
that will pass muster with the President unless he makes some effec- 
tive correction. He is particularly careful with proclamations. Now, 
a Thanksgiving proclamation may seem to be easily drafted, but it is 
a difficult task. It ought to be original, but so many have been issued 
that originality is almost impossible. Mr. McKinley begins early on 
such a task, and he may lay the first or second draft aside for a week, 
but when it comes forth it is a gem, emphasizing that for which the 
Nation should be most thankful. 

"In writing his messages President McKinley takes the greatest 
pains. His methods of preparation vary somewhat each year. He 
may dictate almost an entire message, or write most of it himself with 
pen or pencil. The first draft simply begins the work. Long before 
it is written notes have been made, thoughts jotted down and a list of 
subjects is prepared. That is often changed. It is a guide to the mes- 
sage. Every note is so marked as to be easily identified. The Presi- 
dent may be in his I'oom, when an idea strikes him; it is noted; he may 
be walking or driving and a phrase or epigram, exactly expressing some 
thought, occurs to him; he will write it on an envelope or whatever 
paper happens to be handy, or if Mr. Cortelyou is with him it is dictated 
then and there. Thus, wherever he may be, the President is careful 
that a thought or expression that can be advantageously used is not 
lost, but is stored away for future use. This is one of his methods in 
writing speeches." 

The interest the President and Mrs. McKinley took in the Pan-Amer- 
ican Exposition was very great. Both looked forward to the outing with 



36 TEE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 

cheerful anticipation and proposed thoroughly to enjoy the trip, and 
they were received with extraordinary enthusiasm by enormous masses 
of persons; and here the anarchists had arranged their ambuscade in a 
human wilderness. 

Leon Czolgosz, the assassin, was a finished output of the harangues 
of Emma Goldman, of whom this is the best character sketch: 

"Suppose the President is dead," said Emma Goldman, "thousands 
die daily and are unwept. Why should any fuss be made about this 
mau?" 

These were the words of the queen of anarchy when the flag on Cus- 
tom Building fluttered down to half-mast, announcing prematurely the 
death of President McKinley. 

She was sitting in the "parlor" of the police station annex, with Pa- 
trolman John Weber assigned to guard her and Chief Matron Keegan. 
The latter glanced out of the window by chance just as the flag on the 
Appraiser's Building at Sherman and Harrison streets was lowered. 

"The flag has been lowered! The President must be dead!" said Mrs. 
Keegan, rising. The woman across from her sat unmoved. 

"The President is dead! President McKinley is dead," the matron 
repeated to Miss Goldman, half angered at the woman's coldness. 

"Well, I do not care," came the answer. "There are thousands of 
men dying every day. No fuss is made about them. Why should any 
fuss be made about this man?" 

"Haven't you any heart?" asked the matron. "Any sorrow for this 
man who was so widely beloved?" 

"I tell you I don't care." 

"But as a woman you should at least show some feeling for the wife 
for whom he has always cared so tenderly." 

"There are thousands of men dying every day," repeated Miss Gold- 
man. "I do feel sorry for Mrs. McKinley. But there are other wives 
who receive no comfort." 

This closed the incident. 

"That woman had a smile of triumph on her face," said Mrs. Keegan, 
"the moment I told her. Her face lighted up on the Instant." Still this 
woman is a professor of opposition to violence. 

The assassin made a close study of the Exposition grounds, and 
pursued his purpose to kill the President relentlessly. He was close at 
hand when the President made his speech. He saw the President ar- 



THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 37 

rive and mount to the stand. He stood there in the front row of the 
hurrahing people, mute, with a single thought in his mind. 

He heard Mr. McKinley speak. He reckoned up the chances in his 
mind of stealing closer and shooting down the President where he 
stood. Once he fully determined to make the attempt, but just then a 
stalwart guard appeared in front of him. He concluded to wait a 
better opportunity. After the address he was among those who at- 
tempted to crowd up to the President's carriage. One of the detectives 
caught him by the shoulder and shoved him back into the crowd. 

He saw the President drive away and followed. He tried to pass 
through the entrance after the President, but the guards halted him 
and sent him away. He entered the Stadium by another entrance, but 
was not permitted to get within reach of the President, 

On Friday morning Czolgosz waited for the President's return. In 
the afternoon he went to the Temple of Music and was one of the first 
of the throng to enter. He crowded well forward, as close to the stage 
as possible. He was there when the President entered through the side 
door. He was one of the first to hurry forward when the President 
took his position and prepared to shake hands with the people. 

Czolgosz had his revolver gripped in his right hand, and about both 
the hand and the revolver was wrapped a handkerchief. He held the 
weapon to his breast, so that any one who noticed him might suppose 
that the hand was injured. 

He reached the President finally. He did not look into the Presi- 
dent's face. He extended his left hand, pressed the revolver against the 
President's breast with his right hand and fired. He fired twice, and 
would have fired again and again but for the terrific blow that drove 
him back. 

"Did you mean to kill the President?" asked the District Attorney. 

"I did," was the reply. 

"What was the motive that induced you to commit this crime?" 

"I am a disciple of Emma Goldman," he replied. 

The most realistic account of the shooting of the President is this: 

A little girl was led up by her father and the President shook hands 
with her. As she passed along to the right the President looked after 
her smilingly and waved his hand in a pleasant adieu. 

Next in line came a boyish-featured man about 2G years old, pre- 
ceded by a short Italian, who leaned backward against the bandaged 



38 THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 

hand of his follower. The officers who attended the President noted 
this man, their attention being first attracted by the Italian, whose 
dark, shaggy brows and black mustache caused the professional pro- 
tectors to regard him with suspicion. 

The man with the bandaged hand and innocent face received no at- 
tention from the detective beyond the mental observation that his right 
hand was apparently injured, and that he would present his left hand 
to the President. 

The Italian stood before the palm bower. He held the President's 
hand so long that the officers stepped forward to break the clasp and 
make room for the man with the bandaged hand, who extended the left 
member toward the President's right. 

The President smiled and presented his right hand in a position to 
meet the left of the approaching man. Hardly a foot of space inter- 
vened between the bodies of the two men. Before their hands met two 
pistol shots were fired, and the President turned slightly to the left and 
reeled. 

The tall, innocent-looking young man had fired through the bandage 
without removing any portion of the handkerchief. 

The first bullet entered too high for the purpose of the assassin, who 
had fired again as soon as his finger could move the trigger. 

On receiving the first shot President McKinley lifted himself on his 
toes with something of a gasp. His movement caused the second shot 
to enter just below the navel. With the second shot the President 
doubled slightly forward and then sank back. Detective Geary caught 
the President in his arms and President Milburn helped to support him. 

\Yhen the President fell into the arms of Detective Geary he coolly 
asked: "Am I shot?" 

Geary unbuttoned the President's vest, and, seeing blood, replied: 
"I fear you are, Mr. President." 

It had all happened in an instant. Almost before the noise of the 
second shot sounded Czolgosz was seized by S. R. Ireland, United States 
Secret Service man, who stood directly opposite the President. Ireland 
hurled him to the floor, and as he fell a negro waiter, James B. Parker, 
who once worked in Chicago, leaped upon him. Soldiers of the United 
States artillery detailed at the reception sprang upon them and he was 
surrounded by a squad of exposition police and Secret Service detect- 




Copyright 1901 Ijy Judge Co. Courtesy of Leslie's Weekly. 

THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 




PKESIDENT McKINLEY-S FAREWELL TO HIS WIFE. 

The distinguished sufferer looked into the face of his good wife and said in low 

tones. "We must bear up. it is better for us both." With tears 

streaming down her cheelis Mrs. McKinley nodded assent. 



THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 41 

ives. Detective Gallagher of Chicago seized Czolgosz's hand, tore away 
the handkerchief and took the revolver. 

The artillei-ymen, seeing the revolver in Gallagher's hand, rushed at 
him and handled him rather roughly. Meanvi'hile Ireland and the negro 
held the assassin, endeavoring to shield him from the attacks of the in- 
furiated artillerymen and the blows of the policemen's clubs, 

Supported by Detective Geary and President Milburn, and sur- 
rounded by Secretary George B. Cortelyou and a half a dozen exposition 
officials, the President was assisted to a chair. His face was white, but 
he made no outcry. 

He had been under fire before — in his youth when he was fighting 
for his country. He was brave as a young man and he had lost none of 
his courage. 

The President sank back with one hand holding his abdomen, the 
other fumbling at his breast. His eyes were open and he was clearly 
conscious of all that had transpired. He was suffering the most intense 
pain, but true to his noble nature his first thought was of others — one 
other in particular, his wife. 

He looked up into President Milburn's face and gasped: "Cortelyou." 
The President's secretary bent over him. "Cortelyou," said the Presi- 
dent, "my wife, be careful about her. Don't let her know." 

His next thought was of the cruel assassin who had struck him 
down. Moved by a paroxysm he writhed to the left, and then his eyes 
.fell on the prostrate form of Czolgosz, lying on the floor bloody and 
helpless beneath the blows of the police, soldiers, and detectives. 

The President raised his right hand, red with his own blood, and 
placed it on the shoulder of his secretary. "Let no one hurt him," he 
gasped, and sank back in his chair, .while the guards carried Czolgosz 
out of his sight. 

The ambulance from the exposition hospital was summoned immedi- 
ately, and the President, still conscious, sank upon the stretchei*. 
Secretary Cortelyou and Pre.sident Milburn rode with him in the ambu- 
laxice, and in nine minutes after the shooting the President was waiting 
the arrival of surgeons, who had been summoned from all sections of the 
city and by special train from Niagara Falls, 

One bullet struck the Chief Magistrate on the breast, was deflected 
by a bone and was soon after extracted without having done much 
damage, and the other inflicted a wound that appeared to be mortal. 



42 THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 

It penetrated the abdomen and could not be found. The would-be as- 
sassin had evidently aimed for the heart. 

As the first bullet struck Mr. McKinley he lifted himself slightly 
on his toes, with something like a gasp. This movement caused the sec- 
ond bullet to enter the abdomen. With the second shot the President 
doubled slightly forward and then sank back. Detective Geary caught 
him in his arms and with the aid of John G. Milburn, president of the 
exposition, supported him as he was assisted to a chair, surrounded by 
Secretary George B. Cortelyou and numerous exposition officers. 

Whenever the President was moved his agony was extreme. The as- 
sassin had hardly fired the second shot when he was seized and borne to 
the floor by members of the Seventy-third Company, U. S. A., who had 
been detailed to the spot. It was only by the hardest kind of work that 
the man was brought out alive from the seething mass of enraged men, 
who sought to end his miserable life on the spot. The soldiers and po- 
lice finally forced back the crowd and got the prisoner into a side room. 
The throng outside the Temple soon swelled to 50,000. Cries of "Lynch 
him!" started several rushes to the doors, but these the guards were 
able to break up. In a few moments detectives slipped the prisoner out 
and into a carriage and got him to police headquarters, but troops were 
obliged to clear a path for the vehicle through the crowd, which sought 
to get the prisoner away from his guards. 

The wounded President was swiftly conveyed to the emergency hos- 
pital of the exposition, and was on the surgeon's table in eighteen min- 
xites. The President consulted his secretary, Cortelyou, as to the com- 
petency of the surgeons, and being assured they were of high standing, 
took ether, saying: "I am in your hands." The New York Medical 
Journal, after the termination of the case said: 

"At the time of his assassination President McKinley was probably 
in better physical condition than most men of his age who lead a sed- 
entary life. So far as is known he was free from all organic disease, 
though his vitality may have been somewhat impaired by the fearful 
mental strain to which the duties of his office and its responsibilities 
and anxieties had long subjected him. 

"He was suddenly cut down by a cruel wound, but he bore it bravely, 
and there was little of the condition known as shock. This freedom from 
shock was correctly interpreted as showing that no considerable inter- 
nal hemorrhage was going on. Without delay he was taken to a well- 



THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 43 

equipped hospital and attended by surgeons of world-wide reputation 
and vast experience. The operation itself was performed by an exceed- 
ingly capable surgeon, who was assisted by others equally capable. It 
is certain that there was no technical fault in the operation, and it may 
be said with equal positiveness that it would have verged on madness 
to prolong the search for the bullet after it had been ascertained that it 
had not inflicted any very grave injury beyond that of the stomach — 
ascertained, that is to say, within the limitations of warrantable efforts. 

"The operation having been finished without seriously taxing the 
distinguished patient's vital powers, there followed at least five days of 
freedom from serious symptoms. This we say with full appreciation of 
the fact that the record of the pulse and respiration seemed ominous, 
for the high rate might have been due to any one of a number of condi- 
tions not in themselves of grave import. The hopeful view was taken, 
and quite naturally, that it could be so explained. It is easy to be so 
wise after the event and to say that in this respect the surgeons w^re in 
error; err they certainly did, as the result shows, but to err in such a 
way argues no incapacity or avoidable lack of judgment — it simplj, we 
repeat, illustrates the fact that the medical man is not a perfect being. 

"Gangrene was probably established two or three days before the 
fatal issue followed, but it could hardly have occurred very early with- 
out giving rise to more disquieting phenomena than augmentation of 
the pulse and respiration rates, which, as we have said before, might 
well have been due to some comparatively unimportant disturbance. To 
the wound of the kidney we attribute little importance further than 
arises from the fact that it made one more traumatic surface to become 
gangrenous." 

Nearly the whole nation partook of the error of the surgeons in being 
too hopeful. It seemed almost incredible for several days, though the 
wound was manifestly serious, that the President would not recover. 

He partook of the general feeling, asked for the news, asked for a 
newspaper and a cigar, and insisted upon asking his secretary for news 
of the world's affairs. The following official bulletins show the charac- 
ter of them without exception up to the relapse in the night, and that 
meant death was close at hand : 

Buffalo, September 8. — The public will be kept fully advised of the ^ 
actual condition of the President. Each bulletin is carefully and con- ^ 
servatively prepared and is an authoritative statement of the most 



44 THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McEINLEY. 

importaut features of the case at the hour it is issued. The people are 

entitled to the facts and shall have them. 

George B. Cortelyou, 
Secretary to the President. 

3:20 a. m. — The President has passed a fairly good night; pulse, 122; 
temperature, 102.4°; respiration, 24. P. M. liixey, 

Geo. B. Cortelyou, H. Mynter, 

Secretary to the President. 



9 a. m. — The President passed a good night and his condition this 
morning is quite eucouraging. His mind is clear and he is i-esting well; 
wound dressed at 8:30 and found in a very satisfactory condition. There 
is no indication of peritonitis. Pulse, 132; temperature, 102.8°; respira- 
tion, 24. P. M. Rixey, 

M. D. Mann, 
Roswell Park, 
Geo. B. Cortelyou, Herman Mynter, 

Secretary to the President. Eugene Wasdin. 



12 m. — The improvement in the President's condition has continued 
siufe last bulletin; pulse, 128; temperature, 101° ; respiration, 27. 
George B. Coii;elyou, P. M. Rixey. 

Secretary to the President. 



4 p. m. — The President since the last bulletin has slept quietly, four 
hours altogether since 9 o'clock. His condition is satisfactory to all the 
physicians present. Pulse 128; temperature 101; respiration 28. 

P. M. Rixey. 
M. D. Mann. 
Roswell Park. 
Herman Mynter. 
George B. Cortelyou, Eugene Wasdin. 

, Secretary to the President. Charles McBurney. 



9 p. m. — The President is resting comfortably and there is no special 
change since last bulletin. Pulse, 130; temperature, 101.6; respira- 
tion, 30. P. M. Rixey. 

M. D. Mann. 
Roswell Park. 
Herman Mynter. 
George B. Cortelyou, Eugene Wasdin. 

Secretary to the President, Charles McBurney. 



THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 45 

The President's clothes, worn when he was shot, were removed at 
the Exposition Hospital, and sent to the Milburn residence, where the 
pockets were emptied. In his right-hand trousers pocket was some |1.80 
in currency. With these coins was a small silver nugget, well worn, as 
if the President had carried it as a pocket piece for a long time. Three 
small penknives, pearl-handled, were in the pockets of his trousers. 
Evidently they were gifts that he prized and was in the habit of carrying 
all of them. Another battered coin, presumably a pocket piece, was in 
the left-hand pocket. 

The President's wallet was well worn and of black leather, about 
four inches by five. It was not marked with his name. In it was -$45 in 
bills. A number of cards, which evidently had rested in the wallet for 
some time, were in one of the compartments. 

In a vest pocket was a silver-shell lead pencil. Three cigars were 
found. They were not the black perfectos which the President liked, 
but were short ones that had been given to him at Niagara Falls that 
day. On two of them he had chewed, much as General Grant used to 
bite a cigar. The President's watch was an open-faced gold case Ameri- 
can-made timekeeper. Attached to it was the gold chain which the 
President always wore. No letters, telegrams or papers were found. 
There was not on the President's person a single clue to his identity, 
unless it was to be found in the cards in his wallet, which were not 
examined. 

The President's shirt was cut where the surgeons had ripped it from 
him in hastily preparing for the operating table. 

The following is the official report of the autopsy: 

"The bullet which struck over the breastbone did not pass through 
the skin, and did little harm. The other bullet passed through both 
walls of the stomach near its lower border. Both holes were found to 
be perfectly closed by the stitches, but tissue around each hole had 
become gangrenous. After passing through the stomach the bullet 
passed into the back walls of the abdomen, hitting and tearing the 
upper end of the kidney. This portion of the bullet's track was also 
gangrenous, the gangrene involving the pancreas. The bullet never was 
found. 

"There was no sign of peritonitis or disease of other organs. The 
heart walls were very thin. There was no evidence of any attempt at 
repair on the part of nature, and death resulted from the gangrene, 



46 THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 

which affected the stomach around the bullet wounds, as well as the 
tissues around the further course of the bullet. 

"Death was unavoidable by any surgical or medical treatment and 
was the direct result of the bullet wound." 

The report was signed by: 

Harvey D. Gaylord, M. D. Koswell Park, M. D. 

Herman G. Matzinger, M. D. Eugene Wasdin, M. D. 

P. M. Kixey, M. D. Charles G. Stockton, M, D. 

Matthew D. Mann, M. D. Edward G. Janeway, M, D. 

Herman Mynter, M. D. W. W. Johnston, M. D. 

Charles Cary, M. D. W. P. Kendall, Surgeon United 

Edward L. Munson, Assistant States Army. 

Surgeon United States Army. Hermanns L. Baer, M, D. 

Dr. E. W. Lee of St. Louis, who assisted in the operation performed 
on President McKinley in the emergency hospital immediately after 
the fatal shooting, was in the Fifth Avenue Hotel at the time there 
was so much confidence the President would recover, and said that, 
notwithstanding the favorable reports which had come from Buffalo, 
he felt that the President's condition was far more serious than was 
generally believed. When pressed for a direct answer as to whether 
he thought the President would recover Dr. Lee said: 

"I consider that President McKinley's condition is serious, very 
serious. It does not matter where that second bullet lodged. We did 
not ascertain where it was. It may be in the President's back, or it may 
be loose in the abdominal cavity. That is not important at present. It 
has done its work." 

Dr. Lee, who was medical director of the Trans-Mississippi exposi- 
tion in Omaha, was visiting the Pan-American exposition on Friday, 
and was talking to Colonel William F. Cody on the opposite side of 
the exposition grounds from the Temple of Music, where the President 
was shot. A friend who knew that he was visiting Colonel Cody rushed 
over to Dr. Lee as soon as he learned that an attempt had been made 
on the President's life, and told him that he was wanted at the emer- 
gency hospital. 

"The President had been taken to the hospital when I reached there. 

"The President had been undressed and was lying on the operating 



THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 47 

table when I entered the operating room. There were no outsiders 
there. 

"The operation was performed calmly and deliberately. While we 
never forgot for an instant that the patient was a magnificent man and 
our President, our emotions did not in the least hamper our work. 

"The bullet hole in the abdomen was about five inches below the 
left nipple and an inch and a half to the left of the median line. Dr. 
Mann made a five-inch incision along the line of the wound, through 
which the line of the bullet was followed until it was ascertained that 
it had penetrated the anterior wall of the stomach. It was found neces- 
sary to turn the stomach out through the incision to ascertain whether 
the bullet had gone completely through that organ. We then found 
that the posterior wall of the stomach had also been penetrated. An 
examination disclosed that the hole made by the bullet in leaving the 
stomach was much more ragged and torn than when it entered through 
the anterior wall. Both openings were then closed with an ordinary 
antiseptic silk suture. 

"The stomach and abdominal cavity were washed with a normal 
salt solution, and a careful eiiort made to find the bullet in the abdom- 
inal cavity. No probing was done. From the probable location of the 
bullet and the condition of the President, probing was not advisable. 
We did not find the bullet, but determined that it was probably either 
in the walls of the back or lying, perhaps lost, in the abdominal cavity. 
The salt water was again used and the stomach replaced. The incision 
was closed with a silkworm gut suture, and the entire abdomen ban- 
daged. 

"It is plain, even to the uninitiated, that the wound is very serious 
indeed, and it will be a remarkable recovery if the President gets well." 

And he assented to the remark of Dr. Lane of New York: "A wound 
like the President has received is always dangerous. From what I have 
been informed I would not be surprised if the President died within 
three days." 

Dr. Lee bowed in silent assent. 

Evidently the anarchists associated with the idea of assassinating the 
President did not count upon the public feeling the event they anticipated 
would arouse, and there was a feeling of exiiltation among them and a 
desire to celebrate, during the days of suspense. The talk of ^Miss Gold- 
man reflects this condition. She had no idea the matter would seem so 



48 THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 

serious. They had an idea that the gangrene of their propaganda had 
spread more widely than the result showed, shocking as that was. The 
period of the ostentatious impertinence of the anarchists coincides with 
that of the unwarranted hopefulness that the President would recover. 

Before 6 o'clock Friday, September 13, it was clear to those at the 
President's bedside that hfe was dying, and preparations were made for 
the last sad offices of farewell from those who were nearest and dearest 
to him. Oxygen had been administered steadily, but with little effect in 
keeping back the approach of death. The President came out of one 
period of unconsciousness only to relapse into another. 

But in this period, when his mind was partially clear, occurred a 
series of events of profoundly touching character. Downstairs, with 
strained and tear-stained faces, members of the Cabinet were grouped 
in anxious waiting. They knew the end was near, and that the time had 
come when they must see him for the last time on earth. This was about 
6 o'clock. It was an awful moment for them. One by one they ascended 
the stairway — Secretary Eoot, Secretary Hitchcock and Attorney-Gen- 
eral Knox. Secretary Wilson also was there, but he held back, not wish- 
ing to see the President in his last agony. There was only a momentary 
stay of the Cabinet officers at the threshold of the death chamber. Then 
they withdrew, the tears streaming down their faces and the words of 
intense grief choking in their throats. 

After they left the sick room, the physicians rallied him to conscious- 
ness, and the President asked almost immediately that his wife be 
brought to him. The doctors fell back into the shadows of the room as 
Mrs. McKinley came through the doorway. The strong face of the dying 
man lighted up with a faint smile as their hands were clasped. She sat 
beside him and held his hand. Despite her physical weakness she bore 
up bravely under the ordeal. 

The President in his last period of consciousness, which ended about 
7 :40 o'clock, chanted the words of the beautiful hymn, "Nearer, My God, 
to Thee," and his last audible conscious words as taken down by Dr. 
Mann at the bedside were : 

"Good-bye, all ; good-bye. It is God's way. His will be done." 

Then his mind began to wander, and soon afterward he completely 
lost consciousness. His life was prolonged for hours by the administra- 
tion of oxygen, and the President finally expressed a desire to be allowed 
to die. About 8:30 the administration of oxygen ceased, and the pulse 



THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 49 

grew fainter and fainter. He was sinking gxadually, like a child, into 
the eternal slumber. By 10 o'clock the pulse could no longer be felt in 
his extremities, and they grew cold. Downstairs the griefstricken gath- 
ering waited sadly for the end. 

All the evening those who had hastened there as fast as steel and 
steam could carry them continued to arrive. They drove up in carriages, 
at a gallop, or were whirled up in automobiles, all intent upon getting 
to the house before death came. One of the last to arrive was Attorney- 
General Knox, who reached the house at 9:30. He was permitted to go 
upstairs to look for the last time upon the face of his chief. Those in the 
house at this time were Secretaries Hitchcock, Wilson and Root, Senators 
Fairbanks, Hanna and Burrows, Judge Day, Colonel Herrick, Abner Mc- 
Kinley, the President's brother, and his wife; Dr. and Mrs. Baer, the Presi- 
dent's niece; Mrs. Barber and Mrs. Duncan, the President's sisters; Mrs. 
Mary Barber, Mrs. McWilliams, Mrs. McKinley's cousin; the physicians, 
including Dr. McBurney, who arrived after 8 o'clock; John G. Milburn, 
John N. Scatcherd, Harry Hamlin, all of Buffalo; Secretary Cortelyou, 
who, with haggard face, but always firm and imperturbable, gave the 
first portentous warning of the blow which was to fall in the early morn- 
ing, when, at 9 o'clock, he handed out the 8 :15 bulletin, which said that 
the President was not so well. "But," said he, "we all expect that the 
President will be better in the morning." Then came the anxious hours 
for the doctors, who watched for the first signs of surrender by their 
patient's refractory stomach. The rain fell intermittently. Returning 
visitors from the exposition shrank from the pelting drops, and said : 
"No matter; the President is better." 

That was the consolation everywhere. It was heard in the hotels in 
the afternoon, and it was the answer vouchsafed to travelers alighting 
from railroad trains. "The President is better." It was a tonic to tired 
nerves and hearts, a soothing lotion for weary eyes. Not even the sadden- 
ing 8 :15 bulletin was sufficient to destroy the conviction that the physi- 
cians must certainly be right in their previous opinions. 

As midnight approached there was a feeling of unrest in the Jlilburn 
house. Dr. Charles G. Stockton, the bowel specialist, was in attendance. 
He had the advantage of coming into the consultation with no favorable 
first impression. He and his medical brethren prescribed calomel and oil 
to flush the bowels. It was given. The incidents of the day were gone 
over with. 



50 TEE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 

liecurring calls to the sickroom increased the gravity of the situation. 
The pulse was high and fluttering, 126 beats to the minute. With a tem- 
perature of 100.2, it should have been very much less. The heart began to 
grow weak. Just before midnight the bowels responded to treatment, and 
then began two hours of nerve-wrenching solicitude. Would he rally 
from his exhaustion? The pulse dropped to 120, and this inspired some 
degree of hope that the worst was over. 

Then came a noteworthy test of faith keeping. Should the bold truth 
be sent across the continent. It was Secretary Cortelyou who broke the 
stillness. 

'•Gentlemen," said he, "we have kept faith with the people hitherto. 
We must continue to do so." 

A faint flash of lightning was followed by the distant roll of thunder. 
It almost seemed as if nature was cognizant of the engrossing topic of 
the new century. The heavens opened, and the rain, which had been fall- 
ing in driblets, gushed from the pitchy sky, flooding the gutters and 
soaking to the skin the policemen and soldiers and newspaper men who, 
with growing alarm, noted the lights being turned up in the Milburn 
house. 

There was one room where no extra lights were used. Mrs. McKinley 
was left undisturbed. She was sleeping sweetly. 

"The worst has not yet come," said Dr. Rixey, "and there is no neces- 
sity for disturbing her." 

It was a few minutes after 2 o'clock that Drs. Eixey and Stockton, 
after looking at the President and trying the heart action, shook theit 
heads decisively and told Secretary Cortelyou that the President was 
sinking. The end appeared to be at hand. The pulse fluttered and weak- 
ened, and the President's face looked like that of a dead man. 

There was no time to be lost. Decisive action had bridged over one 
Jangerous crisis on Friday at the Emergency Hospital, on the exposition 
grounds, and the doctors met the second one with equal promptness. 
Digitalis and a solution containing strychnine were administered. 

The history-making incidents inside the Milburn house soon reached 
the telegraphers and reporters across the street. All vapid talk ceased. 
Weariness was forgotten. Scores of bulletins were thrust upon the over- 
wrought operators. 

"Kush this to Eoosevelt," was what Secret Service Detective Fostef 
said to the swiftest sender, who was disputing over a point of precedence 



THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 51 

witli two reportei-s. The government levied upon one of the three work- 
ing wires at 2 o'clock, while rush messages were sent to the Western 
Union and Postal headquarters down town for extra men. Every messen- 
ger Avho slipped away from the dai*k portals of the Milburn house was 
told to hurry. 

During the time from September 6th, when he was shot, to the 14th, 
when he died, the chart of his temperature was from 102.6 on the 8th 
in the evening to 99.2 when death occurred — 94.6 being normal. 




I 



The pulse was 130 on the 6th when shot, fell to 110, rose to 146, and 
declined to 120 on the Tth, and was 100 the night of 9-lOth, and was 
115 at death. 




Respiration was 32 when shooting occurred— 24 at lowest point, and 
was 26 at death. 



ii^AJuK(J^r\i, 



3J 




The chart was prepared by Dr. S. C. Stanton of the editorial staff of 
the Journal of the American Medical Association from the bulletins 



52 THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 

as they appeared in the Eecord-Herald. Dr. Stanton prepared a similar 
diagram at the time of Garfield's death. Bulletins were issued by sur- 
geons and attendants several times a day, so a continuous line and 
one fairly even was possible. Although the chart is of especial interest 
to medical men, it is also worthy of consideration by the layman. 

The Coroner of Erie County, N. Y., issued, September 15th, the fol- 
lowing certificate of death of the late President: 

"City of Buffalo, Bureau of Vital Statistics, County of Erie, State of 
New York. Certificate and record of death of William McKinley. 

"I hereby certify that he died on the 14th day of September, 1901, 
about 2:15 o'clock a. m., and that to the best of my knowledge and belief 
the cause of the death was as here underwritten: 

"Cause — Gangrene of both walls of stomach and pancreas following 
gunshot wound. 

"Witness my hand this 14th day of September, 1901. 

"H. E. Gaylord, M. D., 
"H. Z. Matzinger, M. D., 
"James P. Wilson, Coroner. 

"Date of death— Sept. 14, 1901. 

"Age — 58 years 7 months 15 days. 

"Color— White. 

"Single, married, etc. — Married. 

"Occupation — President of the United States. 

"Birthplace— Niles, O. 

"Father's name — William McKinley. 

"Father's birthplace — Pennsylvania, United States. 

"Mother's name — Nancy McKinley. 

"Mother's birthplace — Ohio, United States. 

"Place of death — 1168 Delaware avenue. 

"Last previous residence — Washington, D. C. 

"Direct cause of death — Gangrene of both walls of stomach and 
pancreas following gunshot wound." 



CHAPTER II. 

THE SHADOW OF DEATH. 

The Parting of the Dying President aud His Wife — The Scene of the Death of the President— 
The Emotion of Senator Hanna— The President's Last Words— The Historical House 
Where He Died— The Shado>Y8 That FeU When Lincoln FeU. 

During the days of confidence that the President would recover, 
he was so brave and patient and kindly that his very calmness and 
courage — the fortitude of his composure — seemed to deceive the physi- 
cians themselves and they misinformed the country. In this period of 
suspense, apprehension and hope, there were many troubled minds, 
that the recovery of the President would result in setting free the 
bloody scoundrel, but the President's death changed the scene for the 
murderer and his accomplices, and there will be a law for the preserva- 
tion of Presidents rather than to avenge their death when victims of 
the groups of demons whose rising impudence has been long enough a 
menace and scandal. 

The tenderest scene of the terrible drama at Buffalo was the parting 
of the dying President and his wife. At the same time, the assassin 
was informed he had killed the President and said it was what he 
"tried to do," and he was hurried away from the station house and 
placed behind the strong walls of the penitentiary. 

It was early in the evening, September 13th, that the administrar 
tion of oxygen aroused the President from a comatose condition, when 
he opened his eyes and looked about with that kindly, gentle expression 
which has made all who have been in the sick room love him. They 
saw that he was trying to say something. They bent over him. "Mrs. 
McKinley," he almost whispered and then he closed his eyes wearily. 
It was evident that he knew that the end was at hand, that the time for 
leave-taking, for everlasting farewells, had come. 

She was helped into her husband's room by Mrs. McWilliams, but 
Mr. McKinley had again fallen into unconsciousness. After waiting 
a few moments she obeyed the suggestion of those about and went 
back to lier I'oom. 

About 8 o'clock Mr. McKinley recovered consciousness again aud 
again he whispered Mrs. McKinley's name. Once more they brought her 



54 THE SHADOW OF DEATH. 

and put her in a chair beside his bed. They saw that he was conscious 
and then turned away — all except the nurse and one doctor. 

When Mrs. McKinley had seated herself she tooli his hand. His 
eyes opened. He whispered several sentences. Those near caught only 
one, "Not our will, but God's will, be done." 

It was a long leave-taking and the news that it was happening went 
downstairs and out into the street. It was received everywhere with 
tears. It was for the moment not the President of the United States, 
the head of the mightiest nation on earth. It was a husband and lover 
standing in the dark river and receiving the last look of love from that 
sad, lonely woman to whom his touch and his smile and his cheerful 
words were literally the breath of life. 

The first time she had borne up well, but now they carried her, half 
fainting, wholly overcome. 

There is another account: 

The physicians rallied him to consciousness and the President asked 
almost immediately that his wife be brought to him. The doctors fell 
back into the shadows of the room as Mrs. McKinley came through the 
doorway. 

The strong face of the dying man lighted up with a faint smile as 
their hands were clasped. She sat beside him and held his hand. Despite 
her physical weakness she bore up bravely under the ordeal. 

The President in his last period of consciousness, which ended about 
7:40, chanted the words of the hymn, "Nearer, My God, to Thee," and 
his last audible conscious words, as taken down by Dr, Mann at the 
bedside, were: 

"Good-bye, all ; good-bye. It is God's way. His will be done." 

And this should not be lost. 

As Mrs. McKinley entered the room the President emerged from 
the stupor and smiled at her, the tense lines in his face softening as 
he did so. He slipped his wasted hand into hers and with his last 
strength drew her to him. Then there were said words too sacred for 
human lips to repeat — too holy for human ears to hear again. The 
white-robed nurses stepped back into the shadows, the faithful physi- 
cians turned away and bowed their heads. The President was saying 
farewell to the woman he loved best. 

For several minutes the scene continued. Mrs. McKinley, despite 
her weakened condition, passed through the ordeal in a way befitting 



THE SHADOW OF DEATH. 55 

the first -n-oman of the land. Her white face was set with despair as she 
was led out of the chamher, but she stifled the sobs. 

''For his sake. For his sake," she whispered as they took her away. 

She never saw him in life again. 

After Mrs. McKinley disappeared into her own apartment the shadow 
overspread the President's features again. It was the time of supreme 
ang-uish, the acme of human pain. His lips moved feebly. 

"Nearer, my God, to Thee," he said, and the watchers listened, 
breathless: 

Though like the wanderer. 

The sun gone down. 
Darkness be over me, 

My rest a stone; 
Yet in my dreams I'd be 

Nearer, my God, to Thee, 

Nearer to Thee. 

The passing of the life of the President was almost imperceptible. 
He had been unconscious for hours when he sunk into his last sleep. 
Gradually his pulse became fainter and fainter. Relatives who had 
been dear to him in life stood by the bedside watching and waiting. 

At 2 o'clock the end was near. Dr. Rixey, a life-long friend, stood 
with his finger on his pulse. His head was bowed. 

At 2:16 a. m. he raised his face. The tears were streaming from 
his eyes. 

"It is over," he said. "The President is no more." 

In this trying period, when the President's mind was partially clear, 
occurred a series of events of a profoundly touching character. Down- 
stairs, with strained and tear-stained faces, members of the Cabinet 
were grouped in anxious waiting. They knew the end was near and 
that the time had come when they must see him for the last time on 
earth. This was about 6 o'clock. 

One by one they ascended the stairway — Secretary Eoot, Secretary 
Hitchcock and Attorney-General Knox. Secretary Wilson also was 
there, but he held back, not wishing to see the President in his last 
agony. 

There was only a momentary stay of the Cabinet officers at the 
threshold of the death chamber. Then they withdrew, the tears stream- 



56 THE SHADOW OF DEATH. 

ing down their faces and the words of intense grief choking in their 
throats. 

Dr. Mann, the surgeon who performed the operation of opening the 
President's body, said as to the end : 

"We are in the dark. The President's pulse had been rapid from 
the start. It had never behaved right. It had steadily and progres- 
sively grown weaker. 

"For the last twenty-four hours he had been having sinking spells 
off and on, each one worse and each one harder to bring him back from. 

"The President did not believe until la-te to-day that he would die. 
He told me this morning he had not lost heart. We were lausrhinsr 
and joking while I was dressing the wound. He said to me: 'I feel 
that I will get well.' 

"This evening he spoke to Dr. Eixey about dying. He said he felt 
it was almost over. He then asked for his wife. Mrs. McKinley was 
with him for an hour and a half." 

Senator Hanna left Cleveland on a special train that morning at 
5 :24, and with a party of the President's relatives and friends reached 
Buffalo in 3 hours and 11 minutes. The schedule time for the crack 
train over the Lake Shore road between Cleveland and Buffalo is 4 
hours and 30 minutes. Senator Hanna's train was made ready in less 
than two hours from the time the news of the President's relapse reached 
Cleveland. 

The first word received in Cleveland came to Colonel Myron T. Her- 
rick from Secretary Cortelyou, who called Herrick on the long distance 
telephone at about 'half past 4 o'clock, Cleveland time. The Presi- 
dent's secretary said he had been trying to reach Senator Hanna and 
could not; that the President's condition had suddenly changed for 
the worse, and the physicians thought it best that the friends and rela- 
tives of the stricken man should come to Buffalo at once. 

With Colonel Herrick was Webb C. Hayes. The two made every 
effort to reach Senator Hanna's house by telephone, but were no more 
successful than Secretary Cortelyou had been. Theto they called a neigh- 
bor of the Senator, named Perkins, and succeeded in rousing Mr. Perkins, 
who sent a message over the way to Mr. Hanna's home. 

Senator Fairbanks of Indiana and Justice Day were the guests of 
Senator Hanna during the Grand Army of the Republic encampment 
^t Cleveland. They heard the bad news almost as soon as it reached 
their host, and were invited to go to Buffalo with him. 




LEON CZOLGOSZ, WHO SHOT PBESIDENT McKINLEY. 

The above pictures are anap-shots of the assassin taken just after his arrest. 




DIAGRAM SHOWING POINTS WHERE THE BULLETS ENTERED 
BODY OF PRESIDENT McKINlEY. 




ASSASSIN CZOLGOSZ' DERRINGER. 

Acliiiil size of the weapon whk-li rarried the bulleis, 



THE SHADOW OF DEATH. 59 

Dr. Eixey, knowing Senator Hanna's longing- to see the President 
alive, told the four men that they might go into the sieli room for a few 
minutes. 

Senator Hanna nO' sooner looked at the jiain-marked face of his 
friend than he burst into tears and would have fallen to the floor hut 
for Secretary Wilson and Colonel Herrick. He was led from the room, 
soothed, and soon regained control of himself. Then he said: 

"I'm all right now. I'm all right again. I must go in and see him 
again." 

His request for another look was granted. He stood a few feet from 
the bedside and looked again at the unconscious President 

The President himself before losing consciousness expressed a desire 
to be allowed to die. The doctors had prolonged life only by the admin- 
istration of oxygen and he appeared to realize that the battle with death 
was hopeless. 

As to the cause of the sudden collapse of the President there was an 
irritation of the rectum that forced the giving of food the natural way. 
Trouble began on the preceding afternoon through the failure of the 
digestive organs to perform their functions. The necessity for nourish- 
ment had been pressing for several days and the partial failure of arti- 
ficial means had led to the adoption of natural means. The rectum, 
through which nourishment had been injected previously to Wednesday, 
became irritated and rejected the enemas. This forced the i^hysicians 
to try to feed him through the mouth, probably before the stomach 
was prepared. The first administration of beef juice through the mouth, 
however, seemed to agree with the patient and the physicians were highly 
gratified at the way the stomach seemed to receive the food. 

Dr. McBurney was especially jubilant over the action of the stomach 
and the morning before his departure for New York dwelt upon the 
fact that the stomach seemed to have resumed its normal functions. The 
breakfast of chicken broth, toast and coffee given in the morning before 
was spoken of by all the physicians as strong evidence of the Presi- 
dent's marked improvement. It was only when it became apparent late 
in the morning that this food had not agreed with the President that the 
first genuine anxiety appeared. The first note of alarm was sounded 
in the official bulletin, which spoke of the President's fatigue. 

President McKinley, already weak from the ordeal of the tragedy 
and suffering, complained of an increasing feeling of fatigiie. He luid, 

4 



60 THE SHADOW OF DEATH. 

theretofore, been so buoyant and clieerful that his complaints were 
regarded seriously. The pulse was then also abnormally high, 126 
beats to the minute. With a temperature of 100.2 it should have been 
thirty beats lower. The weakness of the heart began to arouse serious 
concern. Instead of growing better the President's condition after that 
grew steadily worse. 

The stafE of physicians, augmented by Dr. Stockton, who had tem- 
porarily taken the place of Dr. McBurney, was summoned early in the 
evening and there was a conference. 

It was believed, while the swift surgery in the case of President 
McKinley was held to be a success, that it had been a wonderful opera- 
tion. The famous doctor, IMcBurney, told the Buffalo surgeons, when 
he first inspected their work, "this is the climax of human skill. You 
have reached the supreme limit of science. No greater victory has ever 
been won. If this wound had been inflicted upon a European sovereign 
he would surely have died. I congratulate you." 

It is wonderful that the faith in the recovery of the President was 
so general, when the evidence that the heart was weak could not be 
mistaken from first to last. The surgeons, however, were in the habit 
of referring to a possible "sinking spell," giving no intimation that they 
feared it would be uncontrollable. 

The President's prayer when lifted on the operating table is thus 
described : 

The doctors were ready to administer ether. The President opened 
his eyes and saw that he was about to enter a sleep from which he 
might never wake. He turned his great hazel eyes sorrowfully upon 
the little group. Then he closed the lips. His white face was suddenly 
lit by a tender smile. His soul came into his countenance. The wan 
lips moved. A singular and almost supernatural beauty possessed him, 
mild, childlike and serene. The surgeons paused to listen. 

"Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done." 

The voice was soft and clear. The tears rolled down Dr. Mynter's 
face. The President raised his chest and sighed. His lips moved once 
more. 

"Thy will be done"— 

Dr. Mann paused with the keen knife in his hand. There was a 
lump in his throat. 

"For Thine is the kingdom and the power and the glory." 



THE SHADOW OF DEATH. 61 

The eyelids fluttered faintly, beads of cold sweat stood on the blood- 
less brow — there was silence. 

Two of our roartyred Presidents were shot on Friday and one on 
Saturday. The dates are as follows: 

President Lincoln, shot on Friday, April 14, 186i>. 

President Garfield, shot on Saturday, July 2, 1881. 

President McKinley, shot on Friday, September 6, 1901. 

The lessons taught by the tragedies of the murderous martyrdoms 
of Presidents, are that public opinion must be formed — active, organ- 
ized and aggressive — for effective war upon anarchy, or the glory of our 
government of ourselves will decline. There is more than the assassina- 
tion of our first citizens and officers, more than the murders and attempts 
at murder of Presidents, that is involved. It is the liberty of the land 
that the anarchist strikes with his assassin's hand. Liberty and order 
must be inseparable. It is anarchy that is the foe of freedom, that is 
the everlasting enemy of free government. 

The motives of the murderers who succeeded in shooting Lincoln 
in the back of the head, and Garfield in the small of the back, and the 
assassin of McKinley, firing in front while holding his hand, were widely 
different, but had one thing in common — a grand passion and frantic 
zeal for distinction — a rabid appetite to be talked about — a fanatical 
vanity, that would lead them to give life itself to obtain the attraction 
of the world. 

Abraham Lincoln in the early days of assured victory in war for 
the Union, at the close of that dire conflict, was shot through the brain 
by a tragical actor, maddened by one of the fanaticisms of malignant 
growth in the strife of the Nation and the Confederacy; and this vain 
artificial lunatic killed the President as he would have slain the per- 
sonification of a hero on the stage witl. the mouthings of a melodrama. 

This is a characteristic of Anarchists. It is a ferocity for bloody 
ndvertising. The anarchist proposes to imprint himself upon civiliza- 
tion with dynamite. He says he is poor and claims that his poverty 
is another's crime, yet is one who loafs but asserts his partnership with 
Labor. His doctrine is that he must destroy. It is Labor's mission to 
create. 

There followed the death of the President the gloomy pageants of 
the funeral in three cities, and tliere was in and upon our land and all 
the nations of the earth the Shadow of Death. It was no phantom, but 



62 THE SHADOW OF DEATH. 

an awful reality. The darkness was felt. It was overwhelming and op- 
pressive. One of the foremost men in the world's affairs, the well-loved 
Chief Magistrate of the United States, had fallen. He was a man of 
peace, not a war President, for it was his duty to accept war. He had 
been reviled for his good works and slaughtered because he kept his 
oath to preserve the Constitution. So deep was the Shadow on the day 
of the final funeral ceremonies that it was agreed upon by all — a spon- 
taneous suggestion — that all wheels should cease to roll, all wires 
be silent, and ten minutes given to meditation by millions. It was done 
and even the mighty cities were silent. The children wept in the streets. 
Bells tolled for McKinley around the world. And here is a scene in the 
time when the Shadow of Death was upon the city of Chicago : 

The crowd was something grand and terrible. Women shrieked and 
grew faint in the maelstrom and men seemed to be fighting for 
place of escape. It was in the midst of this bedlam that a tall horseman 
in the parade suddenly reined his horse. 

He doffed his helmet, and, waving it above the turbulent crowd, 
shouted: "Hats off!'' 

At once the sea of struggling men and women became calm. They 
stood transfixed and silent in their places. Hats, withdrawn, were held 
across hearts, and women bowed their heads in silent prayer. The mur- 
murs died away. The cannon that was booming a President's salute 
spoke no more. The trumpets hushed the funeral fanfare, the muffled 
drums were still. The men with arms stood at salute like statues. The 
long column halted. And the wordless panegyric which then became 
eloquent for five full minutes seemed to have more meaning in it than 
all the rhetoric, and all the music, and all the black and purple mourn- 
ing trappings that the world had lavished upon the memory of the great 
dead. As by some incomparable sympathy the multitude seemed to 
know that at that moment the grave at Canton was closing forever upon 
the murdered President, that the ultimate time had come for memory 
and tears and prayers. 

When the clock showed that the half hour was five minutes old, the 
sound of singing voices coming from the balcony of the Chicago Club 
intoned the first line of "Nearer,. My God, To Thee." Quavering at first 
and thin, the chant arose. One by one the men and women in the streets 
took up the chorus till the volume of song, piercing and strong by very 
contrast with the late silence, rose into a mighty diapason of melody 



THE SHADOW OF DEATH. 63 

that was vocal with sorrow, worship and hope. Along the marching 
column the bands caught the spirit of the stately hymn, and the wave 
of music that swelled in unison then was like the sound of a great 
"Amen." 

The whole character of the day's ceremonial in Chicago was marked 
by the most extraordinary decorum. It spoke in the subdued voices of 
the people, and shone in the grave little faces of the children. The 
lowering skies added to the somber aspect of the city, and the sad or 
spiritual motive of the music enhanced the meaning of the demonstra- 
tion with a rare and exquisite tenderness. 

An hour before the funeral pageant had passed away a gentle rain 
began to fall in fitful showers. The wind sprang up again and whistled 
dismally among the wires. But the crowds, steadfast in their quiet sor- 
row, remained in their places till the last rank had passed. 

The center of the Shadow was in a house known to be one of gracious 
and generous hospitality in Buffalo — the Milburn house — henceforth 
forever to be a landmark in history — and as it was in this house the 
sorely wounded President found shelter, the country should know the 
host of the house. 

George Milburn, in whose beautiful home the wounded President 
lay dying, recently became known in every quarter of the globe where 
there is sympathy or anxiety for William McKinley. It is something 
that Mr. Milburn would not have sought or desired under ordinary 
circumstances, for he has always disliked everything that approached 
parade and notoriety, and has never put himself in the way of public 

applause. 

For twenty years or more John G. Milburn has been known as one 
of the ablest lawyers in the western part of the State. In Buffalo he has 
belonged to that class of men who do not intrude themselves into public 
matters, but whose opinions, when given, count for much— the sort 
of man whom the newspaper reporters fly to when the soundest judg- 
ment upon the gravest affairs is to be had. When the business men of 
Buffalo decided to build the Pan-American Exposition it was this sort 
of man they wanted at the head of the great undertaking, and they se- 
lected John G. Milburn because he was a giant intellectually, a gentle- 
man always and honest beyond the suspicion of any man's doubt. 

By birth he is an Englishman. He was born in the North of England 
fifty years ago and started in life as a mechanical engineer, a profession 



64 THE SHADOW OF DEATH. 

in which his father gained considerable prominence as the builder 
of the high level bridge at Berwiek-on-Tweed, the Tyne docks at New- 
castle, and other works. But young Milburn had made up his mind 
early in life that he wanted to be a lawyer, and, taking hasty and un- 
expected leave of the draughting room, he sailed for America in 1869, 
and soon found an opportunity to study law in the office of Wakeman 
& Watson, at Batavia, N. Y. In 1873, after four years of the most labor- 
ious preparation, he passed the bar examination, but was not permitted 
to practice because it was discovered that he had not been in the coun- 
try long enough to gain citizenship. His case was taken up by a number 
of influential men in the State, and a bill was introduced in the legisla- 
ture to waive his alienage and give him the privilege of full citizenship. 
The introduction of the bill aroused intense opposition, and, after a pro- 
tracted storm of anti-British oratory in the Senate, the measure was 
passed and became Chapter VII of the Laws of 1874. Thus it is that this 
alien is to-day repaying the efforts of those who aided in making him a 
citizen by the tenderest care of the nation's chief ruler that human 
hands could bestow. 

In appearance he is a type of the sturdiest manhood, both physically 
and intellectually. He is six feet tall, well-proportioned, with broad, 
regular features and the impress of character and determination upon 
every line. His manner is pleasant and cordial always, with a style of 
candor and deliberation that adds much to his force as a speaker, 
whether in serious argument or in lighter vein. As a public speaker he 
has enjoyed great popularity for years, and is usually chosen for the 
most conspicuous duties of this character at all important affairs in 
Buffalo. 

As a lawyer he has for the last fifteen years been a member of the 
firm of Eogers, Locke & Milburn, the leading law firm in Buffalo, and 
has been retained in most of the important civil cases in the local courts 
in the last decade. He was within the last year retained by the defense 
to argue the appeal in the Molineux case, and he made a powerful argu- 
ment for his client against David B. Hill, who appeared in the case 
for the District Attorney of New York. 

Although a man capable of great achievement and a hard worker 
always, yet he has the sublime faculty of taking life easy, and no matter 
how many the burdens upon his shoulders, or how great the mountains 
of work before him, he never fails to find time for a pleasant, deliberate 



THE SHADOW OF DEATH. 65 

word with the man who drops in upon him. His beautiful home at No. 
1168 Delawax-e avenue, is a palace wherein there is ever good fellowship 
and a hearty welcome for him who enters. Often it is a workshop of the 
busiest sort, but always it is John G. Milburn's home, and that means 
it is a place where whole-souled hospitality belongs with the atmos- 
phere. 

Nor is he alone the maker of the atmosphere of hospitality in the 
Delaware avenue home. Mrs. Milburn is a woman of the kindliest dis- 
position, and has much of her husband's sturdiness of character. They 
have three sons, John George, Jr., and Devereux, who are in Oxford 
University, England, and Ralph, who is much younger. The Milburn 
home is situated in one of the most delightful sections of Buffalo, on a 
broad avenue, where the morning sun and the fresh air from the park 
reach it unobstructed, and in all the land the unfortunate President 
could not have fallen in a spot where his every need would have been 
more carefully supplied. 

Never but once since his coming to America has Mr. Milburn had his 
residence outside of Western New York. Shortly after being admitted 
to the bar he went to Denver, Col., where he formed a law partnership 
with United States Senator Edward Wolcott, but he did not like the 
West, and after a year's residence in Denver returned to Buffalo, where 
he has since lived. 

John G. Milburn came to America a poor boy, and the success he has 
achieved has been due wholly to his own industry and strength of char- 
acter. After he had begun to make some headway as a lawyer in Buf- 
falo he sent for his younger brother, Joseph, in England, and started 
him on the road to the legal profession. But Joseph did not take easily 
to the law, and, turning his mind to more serious things, studied for the 
ministry, and is now a successful pastor of a church in Chicago. 

The people have had in mind through the days of the Shadow the 
dark days after Lincoln fell at the hour when his great heart and head 
were most needed by his country — when the North lost the leader and 
the South the best friend. And now, when we think of Lincoln we 
think of Washington, and go back from the Valley of the Shadow of 
these September days to the gloomy December of 1799, and turn over 
old leaves to see how the people mourned fo.r the Father of the Country. 



CHAPTER III. 

ANARCHY— ITS HISTORY, INFLUENCES AND DANGERS. 

Leon Czolgosz, the Assassin of the President— The Story He Told of His Movements 
Previous to the Assassination — The Creed of Assassination— The Cunning Displayed by 
These Red- Handed Assassins— How the AnarcMsts Select and Slay Their Yictims 
with Ferocity. 

First of all it is to be said the anarchist faction in this country has 
no warrant in the form or administration of our Government. The effort 
to incite hostility culminating in assassination against those responsi- 
ble through office for public affairs is a most lamentable perversity. 

Three Presidents of the United States have perished by violence, but 
McKinley is the first killed according to the decrees of the anarchical 
order. Lincoln fell by the hand of a theatrical egotist. Garfield's 
slayer was a disappointed office seeker. Leon Czolgosz, who assas- 
sinated McKinley, is of the rankest type of anarchy. He represents 
the history, influence and danger of the anarchical organization and his 
crime is according to his doctrines, and the culmination of the teaching 
of false and fatal dogmas. 

President McKinley has been thoughtlessly blamed for exposing 
himself to hidden dangers. Of course, he did not avoid the people, but 
enjoyed being in touch with them. Monarchs who command immense 
armies, and can and do often hedge themselves with bayonets, do not 
escape the assassins. Alexander, the emancipator of Russian serfs, had 
his legs blown off with a bomb because he was brave and benevolent. 
The ruler of the greatest Empire and the Chief Executive of the greatest 
Republic, the emancipator of American slaves, were the shining marks 
for the anarchist and were slaughtered. The graceful Empress of Aus- 
tria was stabbed to death when walking in Switzerland, for no better 
reason than that she was the wife of an Emperor who has been the 
most beloved and competent of the European monarchs for half a cen- 
tury. A President of France was stabbed to death in his carriage be- 
cause he was a gentleman representing the best tradition of his coun- 
try, and was seriously a patriot. Edward VII. of England was before his 
accession shot at in the railroad station at Brussels, and saved by the 
nervousness of the would-be assassin. The Emperor William I. of Ger- 

66 



ANARCHY— ITS HISTORY AND DANGERS. 67 

many was fired upon as he was riding in a carriage along the principal 
street in Berlin, and showered wath pellets of lead, suffering severely 
from wounds, saved from fatal mutilation by holding his left hand in the 
position of military salute, so that the hand saved the features. William 
II. was assailed by a man conveniently disposed of as insane, who hurled 
a fragment of iron with such aim as to bruise the Emperor's face. This 
monarch was not the man to take this insolence as a simple case of in- 
sanity, but referred to it as an expression of the existence of despera- 
does, and threatened his own Capital in an address to his Guards, with 
the swift vengeance of the troops if the issue came between Anarchy 
and Empire. There is no safety in shrinking from the most public 
places and avoiding the massed people w^hen they are so multitudinous 
they can not be controlled by any common-places of the preservation of 
order and mere decorum. 

The history of the movements of the assassin of President McKinley 
before the murder will be studied wherever there is a community of civil- 
ized people. It is an element that must be considered that so great are 
the capacities of the railroad system that the size of audiences has been 
enormously increased of late years. Where there were thousands a gen- 
eration ago, there are tens of thousands. The trolleys pour into the 
■ great steam roads like rivulets into rivers, and it may happen whenever 
there are remarkable attractions that there may be collected people in 
such numbers that they must manage themselves, or they will not be 
manageable. Everybody has the news nowadays. A cent will buy a paper 
that tells all that is going on of chief concern. The assassin who took the 
President's life had been taught by a woman to meditate on the murder 
of rulers — especially "Great Rulers" — and he saw in a paper that the 
President was going to Buffalo, and began to stalk him to kill him as if 
he were some monster, and the pursuit continued for several days. The 
chance of effective shooting in the midst of the shifting scenes was coolly 
calculated and rejected by the infernal expert in killing. A hungry, 
fiendish watch was kept for an eligible opportunity to commit murder 
and it was found. The assassin stood near while the President was 
speaking at Buffalo — the last speech then and there — glaring at him, 
and was afraid of failing to murder the "Great Ruler." Still the man 
hunt continued, and the tragedy was not only planned but rehearsed in 
the President's presence, an accomplice being flhead of the anarchist as- 
sassin in the cue. The murderer was anxious to be picturesque. 



68 ANARCHY— ITS HISTORY AND DANGERS. 

There was a bloodhound keenness in keeping on the track of the Pres- 
ident, knowing from time to time where he would be at certain hours 
and minutes — the places where the hunted game would ride and where 
he would walk — and the ways were examined, close calculations made. 
The multitudes, careless or enthusiastic, swept by like the assassin, de- 
siring to see close at hand the man who had so eminently worked for the 
people, and the prosperity of the country was the harvest. At last there 
was the reception under the Gilded Dome, the spot selected by the anar- 
chists to make murder an impressive, educational ceremony, as this 
monstrous infatuation would have it, and there it was announced the 
President would shake hands with the people. The President was 
placed face to face with the assassin, a well dressed person, disguised 
by his accomplices to be accounted a citizen of respectability. His van- 
ity had been excited, and he had been pampered for what the anarchists 
regard the reform role of murder. He had been helped to good clothes 
to do a deed of treachery and savagery, horrible as any traitor's crime 
in the long annals of stealthy, murderous crime. The assassin was slen- 
der of build, an inconsiderable person, not bulky or slow, but alert, uj"- 
gent, crowding. He knew where the hand-shaking would take place, 
and he was early in the line as he cared to be, and he was preceded by a 
dummy to clear the way for bloody murder and the President was in a 
trap to be slaughtered. 

The huntsman had the victim he had followed like a lean wolf. There 
was one chance for the President to avoid the appointed assassin. There 
were detectives present — men, educated in suspicion, with trained eyes 
for criminals, with schooled suspicion, glancing at all comers — and 
there were others, masters of ceremony. How was it that no one noted 
the Hidden Hand? If a man had pressed forward with his right hand in 
his pocket, it would have been the duty of a detective to see that hand or 
crowd away the man, and detain him if he resisted. If the murderer 
drawing near had in either hand a parcel, it was the detectives' duty to 
know what that parcel meant. Parcels in such places are suspected 
property. There might be hidden in a sheet of paper a bomb to be hurled 
on the floor with fatal results. It is one of the terrors of the anarchistic 
murderers that they are usually ready to die if they can take the "Great 
Ruler" with them, and they will throw the dynamite where their own 
legs will be shattered, if the great ruler can be destroyed. This pupil in 
the school of assassins seems not to have quite reached this point. He 



ANARCHY— ITS HISTORY AND DANGERS. 69 

liad been taught by anarchist lectures, by inflammatory sheets, smeared 
with foul doctrine, that he had a "duty" to i^erform, that to commit a 
murder of a ruler was a matter of heroism, that this country was the 
greatest of frauds and the worst of despotisms, the most wretched, false 
and horrible of lies, that he would at one stroke lift himself to immortal 
fame. He was a man with his hand within the breast of his coat — his 
right hand. It was a shrewd trick. Some scoundrel is gloating over 
that as his idea, but it will never work again. That handkerchief was 
an appeal to sympathy. It was a false pretense of being a crippled per- 
son, and there was evidently an easy way for the man with a wounded 
hand. What a chance that was for the men on the watch, and thought 
to be able to outwit the criminal class, who have been so highly culti- 
vated in modern lines. The President's Private Secretary was at hand, 
but not so expressly to be a guard as a helper in communication with the 
people. He has been of uncommon usefulness. His remembering the 
right thing at the right time has been remarkable, and the country owes 
him a great debt for his masterly management after the President was 
stricken. His information as to surgeons, his intuition as to the correct 
thing to say and do, the personal aid and comfort he has been to the 
President — these are things not to be forgotten. 

It seems that it might have been the duty of the detective nearest, 
when he saw a man with a concealed hand, to make inquiry. The art of 
the scoundrels engaged in the plot was displayed in the conspicuity of 
the hand that was bandaged, but the accepted expljtnation was that the 
man's hand was wounded. It contained a powerful weapon meant for 
face to face encounters, one sufficient for rapid and conclusive firing. 
The instrument of death was self-cocking, and, therefore, it was neces- 
sary to be coolly attentive to keep the hammer free from the folds of the 
handkerchief. The President shook hands in a manly, hearty way, put- 
ting out his right hand, with his left on his breast. It was his habit and 
pleasure to give each person who clasped his hand a look, and often bis 
eyes found those he knew, and all hand shakers were agreeably touched if 
the President remembered and recalled a pleasant memory with a glance 
or word. He saw a slender, whitey faced young man he did not recognize, 
who seemed disabled, possibly some young mechanic who had been 
nipped in the right hand by machinery! That was the make-up. The 
President's kindness was in all his acts, and, extending his right hand, 
aiet the left hand of a man who confronted him with fixed eyes. The 



70 ANARCHY— ITS HISTORY AND DANGERS. 

President felt his hand given to the stranger firmly gripped; and that 
hurtful impoliteness is not rare. All public men who have withstood re- 
ceptions know the fellow with "the glad hand," who makes a display of 
his muscular force. This to the President was a case of that sort, and in 
an instant there was the crackle of two pistol shots. The President, from 
whose breast one bullet glanced, received the other eight inches below 
the left nipple, and the conical missile passed through the stomach. The 
President felt he was shot, and asked in three words whether it was so 
and was told the truth, and after an effort to maintain his footing, sank 
into a chair, asked that the assassin should not be harmed, having the 
presence of mind to know it was important he should be saved that the 
truth about him and his associates might be ascertained. Then the Presi- 
dent desired that the incident should not be rashly told to his wife in an 
exaggerated way, and regretted that his presence had been unfortunate 
for those whose guest he was. This was calm, considerate, most thought- 
ful and manly, and he continued in this temper to the end. 

Czolgosz, the name of the man who shot President McKinley, offers 
a lingual problem to nine-tenths of those who attempt to pronounce it. 
It is one of those names which the English alphabet cannot spell phonet- 
ically, and which the average English-speaking person stumbles over in 
trying to express after hearing it spoken by a Russian. Written accord- 
ing to its sound, the name Czolgosz, or its nearest equivalent, is "Tcholl- 
gosch," or more broadly speaking, "Shollgosch." 

The former pronunciation is the one given by Sergeant Ter-Isaian of 
the Detective bureau, who is a Russian and who is familiar with the 
varied dialects in Polish Russia, from whence the parents of Leon Czol- 
gosz came to this country. 

"Cz" is represented in the Russian alphabet by a character which is 
pronounced much the same as though one were suppressing a sneeze — 
"tsch." The next two letters — "ol" — are pronounced in combination as 
though written "oil," and the remaining letters of the name — "gosz" — 
may be given the sound of "gosch." 

The story of the assassin in brief is that he was bom in Detroit, of 
parents of Polish blood, twenty-six years ago. He received some educa- 
tion in the common schools of that city, but left school and went to work 
when a boy as a blacksmith's apprentice. Later he went to work at 
Cleveland and then went to Chicago. 

While in Chicago he became interested in the Socialist movement. 



ANARCHY— ITS HIiiTORY AND DANGERS. 71 

When lie went back to Cleveland bis interest in the movement increased 
He read all the Socialist literature he could lay his hands on, and finally 
began to take part in Socialistic matters. In time he became fairly well 
known in Chicago, Cleveland and Detroit, not only as a Socialist, but 
as an Anarchist of the most bitter type. 

After returning to Cleveland from Chicago he went to work in the 
wire mills in Newburg, a suburb of Cleveland. He says he was working 
(there up to the day he started for Buffalo to kill the President, thus 
contradicting letters written by him from points in New York. 

A few weeks ago Czolgosz attended a meeting of Socialists in Cleve- 
land,at which a lecture was given by Emma Goldman,the woman whose 
anarchistic doctrines have made her notorious all over the country. 

The King of Italy was murdered by a man sent for the express pur- 
pose by a society of anarchists in Paterson, New Jersey, who have been 
at pains to make known their identity, and have been reported as cele- 
brating the assassination of the King, the charges against him being 
fanciful and malignant. The vagabond who slew the King was not 
treated to dainty food and social distinction, made to believe himself a 
heroic personage, or even sent to execution, so as to give him a chanjce to 
pose as a King Killer. He was not executed at all, but placed in solitary 
confinement, and the anarchists have not been pleased with his treat- 
ment, and have claimed loudly, as though some good man had been ill 
treated, that he was forced to take his own life to escape the horrors of 
solitude in a dungeon. In fact, the fate of this murderer does not encour- 
age anarchical aspirations, and there have been threats that all the 
crowned heads of Europe shall soon be slaughtered because the prison 
was not made to the slayer of the King of Italy a pleasant and dignified 
abode. In the place where he died he did not receive applause, not even 
bouquets. Still, he has had his sympathizers in this country. 

It has been suggested that President McKinley had been too much in 
the habit of answering the calls of the people to shake hands with them 
and speak to them — to go about in crowds unguarded. It is true that he 
had not had so much interest in the possibility of being a mark for an 
assassin, as many have insisted upon having for him. The taking of offi- 
cial precautions for the safety of a man high in office is almost certain to 
be distasteful to him, and it is often a question not easily decided what 
can be done or attempted. 

When Abraham Lincoln, owing to the pressure of war business. 



72 ANARCHY— ITS HISTORY AND DANGERS. 

could not leave Washington in summer-time, he found pleasant quarters 
in a cottage near the soldiers' home, and the military authorities would 
have him guarded to and from the White House to the cottage by a 
squad of cavalry; and it was said of him he thought the ceremony ab- 
surd, and laughed about his body-guard. It is now known that there 
was then a plot to capture him, secrete him in a cellar, and run him to 
Eichmond along a lineof contraband and medical supplytransportation. 
President Harrison was opposed to the efforts made to shield him from 
dangers in the dark, but he persisted in his habit of walking about the 
city, and going without giving notice, when, where and how he pleased. 

The last time President Garfield dined out was with Secretary Hunt, 
of Louisiana; he drove to the White House between ten and eleven 
o'clock, with Postmaster-General Thomas L. James, who, returning to 
the Arlinglon Hotel, met a friend and asked him whether he had seen 
the President. The friend answered no — he had been over to the White 
House to make a call, but the President was out driving. James replied 
that the President had just returned and would be pleased to have a late 
call, as he meant to drop public cares to go to the commencement at 
William's College. Upon this, the call at the Executive Mansion was 
repeated and the President was most agreeable and exceedingly inter- 
esting. As the visitor left, it was nearly the middle of the night, and 
passing out he saw there on guard a familiar face, and asked the ques- 
tion, "Were you not on watch herein Lincoln's time?" "Yes," was the re- 
ply. "Many a night before he went to bed, he would walk over to the 
War Department to see if anything had come in the way of news from 
the armies." "And," said the watchman, "I often took pains to walk be- 
tween the old man and the trees — the same trees you see here now — be- 
cause I had a fear there might be an ambuscade, and some devil would 
shoot him. The old man never seemed to think anything about possible 
murderers being about, but walked right along. Sometimes it was quite 
dark, and I felt sort of responsible for the old man, and I was glad when 
I got him back and had the door shut on him." 

The caller on President Garfield, who had just seen him for the last 
time, said to the watchman, as the trees were dark and the walks silent, 
"I think it would be well for you to keep a sharp lookout now, for there 
are queer people about and strange things said — excitements about 
what the President has done and will or won't do. It would not be a bad 
idea to watch carefully now." 



ANARCHY— ITS HISTORY AND DANGERS. 73 

The reply was simple and sensible — "These are not war times. No- 
body would hurt the President now." Three days later the shot of the 
assassin gave the President a mortal wound. Of course, that which sug- 
gested to the visitor to warn the watchman to be vigilant, was the face 
of the man who had guarded the footsteps of Abraham Lincoln, and the 
story of the walks at night, under the history haunted trees. It turned 
out in the testimony in the case of Guiteau, that at that hour the mur- 
derer was prowling in the shrubbery in Jackson Square, between the 
"White House and the Arling-ton House, seeking a chance to shoot the 
President, having possibly dogged his footsteps and knowing he had 
gone out. 



CHAPTER IV. 

ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER THE ASSASSINATION. 

American Anarchists Assume to be Defiant— Astounding Development of a Political Policy 
of Assassination— Is a Penal Colony for Cranks KeededJ— A Shocking Ai-ray of Incidents 
—The Canker of Anarchy Displayed. 

Whatever anarchists may say, or in whatever form they may deny, 
that their doctrines promote and demand murder, and that their heroes 
are assassins, they have not, as they profess in their cant sayings, killed 
tyrants, but they have slaughtered the best men of those they call 
"great rulers." They are not enlightened persons, but basely ignorant 
of human affairs and perverse as to history. They have not been known 
to kill the vicious; they have slain the amiable. The cases of Lincoln 
and Alexandria are in point. 

The students of the news of the day, since an assassin sneaked upon 
McKinley and shot him, have had occasion for surprise that there have 
been so many expressions of sympathy with the miscreant murderer, 
and it is not difficult, many times, to point out that the sympathizers 
have been perverted by the political harangues that incite hatreds be- 
tween "classes," and then seek to show that we are classified in a way 
that is an indurated injustice. Children are being brought up to believe 
that some are born to privation through wrongs that have no remedy in 
law and others to an opulent inheritance of privilege. But one ought to 
be able to go a long way with error without coming to the conclusion 
that our Republic is the worst of despotisms. We have a good many 
people in our midst of anarchical propensities, but they are not the 
majority. We are ruled by majorities. Some of our statesmen have 
urged the passage of a law in this country to restrict the immigration of 
anarchists. But the anarchists are at our doors. What they need is 
expulsion, and we have a few Asiatic islands to which they might be 
deported. Let there be no mistake about it — there are many of these 
people. It is not worth while to bother about importation unless we can 
devise an effective system of exportation. 

There is a colony of anarchists in Spring Valley, Ilk, and a letter, 
elated September 15th, 1901, says: 

74 




FOSTER AND IRELAND. 

Secret service men \\\w i'M]. lured ITcsi.iint Mr^Kiuley's assassin. 




■- fid 

: ta 

'i ^ 

~- DC 

-- < 

-z a, 
I 



it 00 ; 




Z 5 

Q - 

O 7 

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ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 77 

"There are from 300 to 500 anarchists in this place, the colony being 
only second in the United States to those at Paterson, N. J., and Chi- 
cago. These anarchists publish a paper, L' Aurora, and from time to 
time have public parades. 

During the week just passed approval expressed for the assassina- 
tion of President McKinley has been open and insolent. An editorial 
published in L'Aurora last Friday was unusually arrogant. The indig- 
nation of Spring Valley citizens came to a climax to-day, when a union 
service of the churches was held at the Congregational Church, at which 
the Rev. R. W. Purdue, the pastor, preached on anarchy, aad in the 
most scathing manner excoriated the methods and doctrines of anar- 
chism and called upon all loyal citizens to join in a movement to drive 
the anarchists from the town. 

"The sermon was interrupted frequently by applause. Anarchist rep- 
resentatives who were in attendance left the church. 

"A movement is on foot to canvass every male citizen with petitions 
to the State Legislature and to Congress for the suppression of anarchy. 
Every man refusing to sign is to be classed as an anarchist, and thus a 
basis for ridding the town of its dangerous citizens is to be obtained." 

That which is the greatest surprise about these people is their inso- 
lence. Antonio Maggio is an anarchist prophet and he some months ago 
predicted the death of McKinley. He got his anarchist education in 
New Orleans, and when it comes to a vote the anarchists do not prevail. 
They are at least as scarce as monarchists. 

There is evidence of the existence of an anarchical organization, and 
the head of it is believed to be in the city of Paterson, N. J. A corre- 
spondent of the Chicago News writes at Paterson, N. J., September 
20th: "No sooner had the anarchist, Czolgosz, shot the President of the 
United States than the anarchists of Paterson called a mass-meeting. 
Assembling, 400 strong, in the dance hall back of a saloon kept by one 
of the 'fraternity,' they congratulated one another upon the activity of 
the order at Buffalo. 

"Here was a public meeting held in approbation of the murder of the 
President of the United States and to arrange for more murders. The 
murder of the King of Italy was by a man sent from Paterson. The 
Goldman woman is a frequent visitor in Paterson, and the 'writings' 
which inspired the assassin were contributions over her name which ap- 



78 ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 

peared in the principal organ of anarchy in this country, La Questione 
Sociale, published in Paterson. 

"Patei-son, indeed, is to the anarchists of this country what New Or- 
leans is to the Society of the Mafia, what Havana is to the Naningoes, 
what Paris is to the Comprachicos. The 'silk' city of New Jersey is the 
capital of all the 'reds' in the United States. It is the seat of a kind of 
university for the training of regicides. Here Bresci, the killer of Hum- 
bert, was trained. When the assassin's knife sunk into the breast of 
Elizabeth of Austria, in Geneva, the secret service bureaus of the world 
sent extra men to Paterson. Recently, the life of Maria Pia, the Queen 
of Portugal, was threatened. It was a sign from Paterson. At the 
funeral of the Empress Frederick at Cronberg a stronger guard than 
usual surrounded the Kaiser. The German police were thinking of a 
city in New Jersey. 

"At 355 Market street, on the top floor back, you will run down the 
king creature, the leader of the 3,500 Italians comprising the society 
called Dritto All' Esitensa (Right to Existence). This chief of Italians 
is a Spaniard named Pedro Esteve. In his rooms on the top floor back 
is published La Questione Sociale. Editing this weekly paper is Es- 
teve's ostensible occupation. His real life work is sharpening the knives 
of regicides and fattening the purses of royal undertakers. Here are 
some of the tools of his trade: 'Killing a king makes people think. We 
want to exterminate evils by force. W^e never consider consequences. 
We are opposed to government, which means political tyranny. We do 
not believe in religion, laws or individual ownership of property.' Esteve 
exhibits these tools in the columns of La Questione Sociale and gives 
lessons in their use. 

"The day the news was received of the attempt upon the life of Maria 
Pia of Portugal Pedro Esteve was found in his office on the top floor 
back, type cases to the right of him, portraits of Herr Most to the left 
of him, anarchist typesetters and printers before and behind him. In- 
dignation gave a parboiled expression to all of his face not covered by 
his black beard, fanaticism clouded his very evident intelligence. 

" 'You say we of Paterson sent over a man to remove that queen. 
You say that at the time Bresci sailed to remove the King of Italy 
thirty-nine others sailed with him, all with orders to do or die. Now, 
these things are not so.' He banged the table with his knuckles. 'It is 
the newspapers that make all the trouble. We did not draw lots to kill 



ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 79 

Ilumbert. We work each mau for himself. Aud none knows what 
plans his neighbor may be making. Bresci did not kill the man Hum- 
bert; he removed a king, a tyrant. He rendered a service to 30,000,000 
Italians. But another king has killed Bresci, and a life for a life — it is 
what we expect. We strike, but we never run away.' 

"They say in Scotland Yard, England, that there has been a steady 
stream of European anarchists flowing toward the United States for 
the last six or eight months. These are mainly theorists — not active 
anarchists — although they are equally dangerous in influencing suscep- 
tible persons. 

"A majority of them carefully avoid touching England when they 
are bound for the United States, knowing that descriptions of them 
would be sent to their destinations. On the other hand, there has been 
a considerable increase in the anarchist population of England recently 
owing to the activity of the French police, who are taking measures of 
precaution in view of the Czar's visit." 

This is an indication that they have some detectives in England and 
France who detect — which is encouraging, for the anarchists are so 
scattered they demand international action. 

Here is a strange and sinister bit of information from Kansas: 

Wichita, Kan., September 8. — Anarchists at both Chicopee and 
Frontenac, small towns 100 miles east of here, held jubilation meetings 
to-day and gave thanks over the attempted assassination of the Presi- 
dent. The meeting at Chicopee was held in a coal mine beneath the 
ground and could not be broken up by officers. 

The fact that these people get under the ground to rejoice shows that 
they are not quite easy in their minds. 

The famous hatchet woman of Kansas, Mrs. Nation, was mobbed at 
Eochester, N. Y., because she sympathized with the murderer of McKin- 
ley. She had to wait three hours at Eochester, and when she appeared 
on the platform someone happened to remember that Mrs. Nation had 
been reported as having rejoiced at Coney Island last week over the 
shooting of President McKinley. A cry that "the old wretch" should be 
lynched threw the mob into a frenzy. She was hustled into a hotel for 
protection and the crowd surged behind her and filled the air with cries 
of "Lynch her!" "Get out of town, you old hag!" and "She was glad 
McKinley was killed; let's kill her." She was shoved by policemen into 
a barroom. 



so ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 

At this instaut a loud crash was heard as the crowd, surging for- 
ward, broke through the line of police at one point and wrecked the big 
glass window in the front of the saloon. Mrs. Nation was taken to a 
room on the second floor and locked in, two policemen standing guard 
outside. Ten minutes before the train was due to start she was escorted 
back to the station by the police, who were forced to draw their clubs 
to protect her from bodily injury. 

She had lectured at' Coney Island and she said the President was a 
friend of the rumsellers and the brewers and therefore did not deserve 
to live. 

The audience, which was a large one, hissed her, whereupon she re- 
viled them as "hell hounds" and "sots." Then, in disgust, the entire 
audience left the hall and when they got outside gave three cheers for 
McKinley. 

Another account says : "After a. characteristic harague denouncing 
police, saloons and dance halls, she unexpectedly switched off onto an 
attack against the President. 

"I have no cares for this McKinley," she said. "I have no sympathy 
for the friend of the brewers. I have no — " 

The rest was drowned out by hisses and hooting from her audience. 
She started on the same subject three times more, but each time was 
interrupted by the crowd. 

This seems to show that Mrs. Nation is a victim of the anarchist's 
weakness — that of a mania of vanity. Senator Wellington of Maryland 
has also the same style of regarding his personalities as providential, 
because they are little things of his own. He was quoted as saying: 

"McKinley and I are enemies. I have nothing good to say about him, 
and under the circumstances do not care to say anything bad. I am in- 
different to the whole matter." 

The attention of the Senator was directed to the interview, with a 
request of a denial or affirmation of the words attributed to him. He 
flatly declined to give either. 

There was, on the 8th of September, a celebration by anarchists of 
the shooting of McKinley — this at McKeesport, Pa. A dispatch dated 
the 8th said: 

"While all the world is waiting with bowed head and heaving breast 
for the latest news from the bedside of the beloved President of the 
United States, the Gnffey's Hollow group of anarchists was celebrating 



ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 81 

and lauding the act of 'Comrade Czolgosz' and was elated at the apparent 
success of his crime." 

Guffey's Hollow is a narrow ravine leading back from the Baltimore 
and Ohio Kailroad into the Westmoreland County hills. It is about 
ten miles east of McKeesport, and is the home of one of the largest, if 
not the largest, regularly organized groups of anarchists in the United 
States. More than 200 Italian coal miners are drinking in the doctrines 
of anarchy here. Until recently the leader of the Guffey's Hollow group 
was Ciaucavilla. He edited an Italian paper which was locally known 
among the English-speaking residents as "The Firebrand." 

Ciancavilla found there was no fortune in editing an anarchist paper 
in Guffey's Hollow and removed to Chicago, where he continued the 
publication of his paper until a short time ago, when it was compelled 
to suspend for want of patronage. Ciancavilla is now in Spring Val- 
ley, 111. 

Canova, an Italian merchant of this city, who was well acquainted 
with Ciancavilla, said this afternoon: 

"It would be well for the police to look this man up. When Bresci 
murdered King Humbert this man knew all about it in advance, and he 
exulted over the act. He talked to me about it at the time, and to a 
number of Italians who were in my store. He wanted us to cheer for 
Bresci (the writer is a correspondent at McKeesport of the Chicago 
Inter-Ocean) and I ordered him to quit talking that way in my place of 
business. He said Humbert was only one; that the President would get 
his turn, and that it would be well for all the leaders and rulers of men 
to have a care, for 'we have them marked,' as he put it. After that I or- 
dered him out, and he wanted me to go take a drink to Bresci's healthy 
and the hope that it would be but a short time until others would follow 
him. Ciancavilla had a big following at Guffey's, and his paper was 
read there by all the Italian miners. 

"How many of them agreed with him I do not know, but certainly 
a large number, as there are several hundred Italians there, and they all 
took his paper. I do not know if Czolgosz was ever at Guffey's Hollow 
or not. He may have been. They are always holding meetings and 
making plans, and constantly talking about killing some king or presi- 
dent, and they are in touch with other anarchists in the country. They 
always seem to know everything that is going on in that respect." 

At the time of King Humbert's assassination Ciancavilla and his fol- 



82 ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 

lowers called a meeting in the old sclaool-house, where they met and 
passed a series of resolutions lauding " Comrade Bresci" for his "noble 
act" for the cause of humanity and indorsing the annihilation of kings 
and rulers. The resolutions were carried to Pittsburg and published in 
the papers of that city. Ciancavilla said at that time that it would not 
be long before America would have equal cause to rejoice with Italy 
in the removal of a "tyrant," as he called President McKinley. 

As showing the renewed activity of the anarchists all over the country 
immediately following the assassination of President McKinley, the fol- 
lowing newspaper dispatches from various fwints, both east and west, 
are here reproduced : 

MCKINLEY'S NAME ON LIST OF DOOMED. 

Indianapolis, Ind., September 15. — Government Secret Service offi- 
cers have been mingling for several days among the Italians employed 
in elevating the tracks of the Panhandle road in the neighborhood of 
Hartford City, and are engaged in running down a sensational report 
regarding threats against the life of President McKinley. 

Since his assassination it was learned that one of the Italians exhib- 
ited a letter in which was a list of persons in Europe and America who 
had been doomed to death by the anarchists, and McKinley's name was 
on the list. 

The man who had the list was an anarchist, and the reason given by 
him for the presence of President McKinley's name in the list was the 
fact that the government had lent all possible aid in fen-eting the asso- 
ciations and antecedents of the man who assassinated King Humbert. 



ANAECHIST PREACHER TARRED AND FEATHERED. 

Huntington, Ind., September 17. — Joseph A. Wildman, a United 
Brethren minister, was tarred and feathered by a crowd of 100 last 
night and turned loose to wander back home. Sunday night he rose in a 
prayer meeting in one of the city churches and said: 

"I suppose there have been more lies told from the pulpit and sa- 
cred desk to-day than was ever known before. While I want to give all 



A^\lRCHlSTS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 83 

honor that is due Mr. McKinley, still when he was liA'ing he was nothing 
but a political demagogue." 

At this juncture a number of people became so indignant that they 
arose and left the church. Yesterday the citizens decided on the above 
summary action and cai-ried out their plans. Wildman has no regular 
charge. 



ANARCHISTS FORCED TO MOVE. 

Pittsburg, September 17. — Thirty armed men, imitating the move- 
ments of the Ku Klux Klan, raided the anarchists of Guffey Hollow, 
Westmoreland County, Sunday night and forced twenty-five families 
to take their departure from the town before daylight. The raiders 
surrounded the houses and terrorized the anarchists by firing Winches- 
ters and revolvers and yelling like Indians. 

During a lull in the fusillade one of the anarchists, who could speak 
English, ventured from his house under a flag of truce and held a parley 
with the invaders. The result of the conference was that the anarchist 
agreed to be responsible for the immediate removal of the whole colony. 

By the terms of the capitulation the foreigners were to leave the vi- 
cinity with their wives, children and all their belongings before day- 
break. They kept their contract, and before the sun rose every house in 
the settlement was deserted. The only favor they asked in return for 
their exodus was that their lives should be spared. 



TWO AXAECmSTS CLUBBED. 

Newark, N. J., September 15. — Two anarchists received a sound 
clubbing from the police and came near receiving worse treatment at 
the hands of an angry crowd to-night. 

Mrs. John Soslosky of 4 Charlton street went to the saloon of John 
Drozdowsky at No. 20 in the same street to look for her husband. Victor 
Gasscoe, 38 years old, of 231 West Kinney street, was delivering a fiery 
anarchistic harangue to a crowd of men. He wound up by drinking 
to Czolgosz's health, and August Britton, 17 years old, of 13 Clayton 
street, joined in the toast. Mrs. Soslosky cried "Shame," whereupon 
Gasscoe struck her in the face. 



84 AXARCHI8TS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 

She hurried to the Fourth Precinct Station, and when Captain Ed- 
wards heard her story, with Patrolman Romseicks he went to the sa- 
loon, and as Gasscoe was still haranguing the crowd, he seized him by 
the scruff of the neck, and with a couple of violent swings had him on 
the street. Romseicks did likewise with Britton. When the prisoners 
showed fight they were handled without gloves. All the way to the po- 
lice station, which was only a hundred yards, they continued to shout 
that they were anarchists. A great crowd gathered in a few minutes 
and tried to get at the prisoners, but the reserves held them at bay, 
while those inside the station house closed and locked the doors and 
windows on the ground floor. The prisoners were placed in separate 
cells and nobody has been allowed to see them. 



REJECTS flag; MOB TRIES TO LYNCH HIM. 

Guthrie, O. T., September 19. — Because George Bradshaw, a carpen- 
ter, declared he would not march under an American flag, an Oklahoma 
City mob of 500 formed this morning and started to lynch him. They 
were prevented only by the local militia. Excitement is still high and 
the mob is hunting for Bradshaw, who is concealed. If found he will be 
lynched. 

James G. Dorsey pleaded to the police in Bradsbaw's behalf and be- 
came an object of the mob's wrath. Sheriff O'Brien spirited Dorsey 
away and locked him in the County Jail for protection. 



ANARCHISTS IX WASHINGTON. 

Washington, September 16. — The Secret Service men of the United 
States believe that there are anarchists in Washington. The police of 
the city have been considering ever since the assault on President Mc- 
Kinley the chances of anarchists being here, and have so laid their lines 
that if any are here they will not be able to escape. Least of all will they 
have a chance to show their heads during the approaching funeral cere- 
monies in this city. 

A Cliicago newspaper has secured photographs of half a dozen or 
more anarchists fi-om the police here, which are being used in the inves- 
tigations. Copies of these important photographs are also in the hands 



ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 85 

of the Secret Service agents. The two departments have also complete 
records of every known or avowed anarchist who has been in this coun- 
try during the last fifteen years. Some of these were conspicuous dur- 
ing the Cleveland administration. 



MRS. BRESCI IS DEFIANT. 

New York, September 18. — Mrs. Bresci, widow of the anarchist who 
killed the King of Italy, and who was yesterday ordered by the police 
to move from her home at Cliffsides, N. J., says she proposes to defy the 
authorities. 

"If President McKinley was alive he would repudiate this persecu- 
tion of a lone w^oman and her children," said Mrs. Bresci to-day. 

"My husband suffered enough for his crime. Why should I be treated 
as an outcast, hounded wherever I go and my children made to suffer? 

"I am not an anarchist. I don't advocate anarchism and don't be- 
lieve in it. I am an American woman trying to bring up my children 
in an honorable manner and to enjoy all the benefits of this country. 
The men who were to have come here Sunday to hold a meeting were 
not anarchists. They desired only to raise funds to assist me and my 
little ones to make life more comfortable for me. I intend to stay here, 
and any attempt to remove me will be met with severe treatment." 



DENOUNCE OLNEY'S COACHMAN. 

Falmouth, Mass., September 18. — According to the affidavit of a 
citizen of this village Michael Conway, a coachman for Richard Olney, 
former Secretary of State, in commenting upon the shooting of Tresi- 
dent McKinley, said: "It is a good thing President McKinley was shot; 
he should have been killed long ago." 

The affidavit was made by George 11. Godfrey in connection with an 
indignation movement of the citizens, started when the remark became 
known. Mr. Olney was advised of the matter and he discharged the 
coachman. Not being able to verify a report of such action TOO citizens, 
representing about one-third of the voting population of the village, de- 
termined to give Conway a coat of tar and feathers last night. Not 



86 ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 

finding Conway, the men marched to IMr. Olney's home to find out 
whether the coachman was still there. 

The former Secretary of State refused to appear at their demand. 
The crowd sang "Nearei', My God, To Thee," and "America" and made 
repeated but fruitless efforts to bring a response from Mr. Olney. 

At length the citizens started for the town hall, where they organ- 
ized by electing Andrew W. Davis as chairman and selected Edwin S. 
Lawrence secretary. 

A resolution was unanimously adopted, saying that the course pur- 
sued by Mr. Olney "at a time when the nation is in mourning is an in- 
sult to American citizenship." 

After the meeting the citizens prepared an eflflgy of Conwaj, 
which they hung on a telegraph pole. 

Falmouth, Mass., September IS. — Richard Olney, who was Secretary 
of State under Grover Cleveland, has become unpopular with his neigh- 
bors in this town by his failure to aid a mob seeking a man charged 
with approving of the assassination of President McKinley. 

So serious is the feeling against Mr. Olney that at a mass-meeting 
attended by 200 residents of this city last night the following resolu- 
tion was adopted: 

"Resolved, That it is the sense of the citizens of the town of Falmouth 
that the course pursued by the Hon. Richard Olney at a time when the 
nation is in mourning is an insult to American citizenship." 

Michael Conway, coachman for Mr. Olney, is the man responsible for 
all the trouble. A vigilance committee of 200 members searched the 
country about here last night prepared to treat the coachman to a coat 
of tar and feathers. He was hanged in effigy when the mob failed to 
find him. Conway is said to have exclaimed, on hearing of the shooting 
of President McKinley: "It's a good thing President McKinley was 
shot; he should have been killed long ago." 

It is claimed that a week ago, when several persons were discussing 
the shooting of President McKinley, Conway, who had been in Mi". Ol- 
ney's employ for many years, joined the group in the grocei-y store and 
uttered the words quoted. 

The following affidavit was made in this connection: 

"Falmouth, September IG, 1901. — We hereby certify that we, Ze- 
brina B. Godfrey and George H. Godfrey, did, on Wednesday, Septem- 



ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 8T 

ber 11th, hear one Michael Conway of Falmouth publicly say: 'It's a 
good thing President McKinley was shot; he should have been killed 
long ago,' "Zebrina B. Godfrey, 

"George H. Godfrey. 
"Sworn to before me this 16th day of September, 1901. 

"Russell S. Nye, Justice of the Peace." 

Charles S. Baker of Teaticket, being among those who most strongly 
resented the coachman's remark, interviewed former Secretary Olney, 
explaining the matter to him. Mr. Baker declares that Mr. Olney prom- 
ised to have the affair investigated. As nothing had been heard from 
Mr. Olney up to last night, the citizens determined to take the matter 
into their own hands. 

It was decided that a coat of tar and feathers should be the punish- 
ment of Conway, and at 7 o'clock a large number of men gathered in 
front of the post-office, waiting for Conway to appear as usual. He didn't 
come; Patrick J. Flannery, another servant of Mr. Olney, appearing to 
get the mail. 

John H. Crocker drove up and said he had come from Mr. Olney, who 
had told him he had discharged Conway. This did not satisfy those in 
the crowd, and thej' immediately formed in line and marched to Mr. Ol- 
ney's summer home on Surf Drive, a mile from the post-office. Having 
arrived there they sang "Nearer, My God, To Thee." Then they knocked 
on the door, but nobody appeared. 

After several futile attempts Mr. Baker addressed the gathering, 
defying Mr. Olney to appear. 

The men proceeded to sing: "My Country, 'Tis of Thee," and resumed 
their efforts to see Mr. Olney, but met with no success. The party re- 
turned to the hall and held an indignation meeting. Andrew W. Davis 
was elected chairman and Selectman Edward F. Lawrence secretary of 
the meeting. 

On motion of Charles F. Baker a committee of three was appointed 
by the chairman to draw up resolutions to expi-ess the sentiment of the 
citizens. The chair appointed Charles F. Baker, Dr. Asa L. Pattee and 
Leon L. Rogers, and they presented the above resolution, which was 
adopted. 

The meeting adjourned, and as soon as possible a stuffed figure rep- 
resenting Conway was prepared and the effigy was hanged to a tele- 
phone pole. The crowd then dispersed. 



88 ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 



MENACE DE. MAKY WALKEB. 

Syracuse, N. Y., September 18.— "The State of New York if it elec- 
trocutes the assassin of McKinley is just as great a murderer as he is. 
President McKinley was a murderer because he killed the poor Fili- 
pinos." 

Dr. Mary Walker, the exponent of woman's rights, made this remark 
in a railroad station at Oswego this morning and narrowly escaped be- 
ing lynched. Only the fact that she was a woman prevented her from 
being roughly handled by a crowd of angry workmen. A brawny la- 
borer stood near the doctor at the ticket window in the station when she 
made the remark. The doctor was dressed in male attire as usual. The 
laborer was angered in an instant and was about to grab her by the 
throat when he recognized her and drew back his arm. 

"If you were not a woman," he exclaimed, "I would knock you down. 
What right have you got to go about the country making such remarks? 
You ought to be lynched." 

"Lynch her!" cried one. 

"Yes, let us string her up!" added another. The doctor by this time 
was in a state of great terror. But the threats were not carried out, 
owing to the intervention of cooler heads. One of the men who had in- 
tervened for her turned to her and said: 

"You are in the same class as Emma Goldman and Carrie Nation. 
You all ought to be put out of the way." 

"Oh, she's crazy; let her go," interjected one man. This sentiment 
met with approval and the doctor was allowed to board her train with- 
out being molested. 



CHURCH PEOPLE PUNISH A MAN WHO SPEAKS AGAINST MCKINLEY. 

Omaha, Neb., September 8. — Church service was deferred in the lit- 
tle town of Fairmont, Neb., to-day while the younger members of the 
congregation chastised H. D. Gosser, a detractor of President McKinley. 
Gosser stood in the center of a group on the steps of the Presbyterian 
Church and took part in the conversation on the common theme. He 
remarked that the parishioners were simply kissing the hand of their op- 



ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 89 

pressor in expressing regret at his overthrow. It afforded him pleasure, 
he said, to see a promoter of trusts come to a violent end. 

A party of young men interrupted Gosser rudely at this juncture and 
carried him to a small pond a short distance away. The victim was re- 
peatedly doused until he was nearly drowned. He was then set astride 
a rail and headed a procession along the road. His captors dumped 
him into a thicket and returned to the church. 

The congregation awaited the outcome outside the building and 
upon the return of the party entered the church and began the service 
an homr behind the usual hour. 



BURN TilE DOG. 



Czolgosz, the assassin, was burned in effigy at State and Madison 
streets at 10 o'clock, September 20. The crowd which gathered around 
the burning figure became noisy and the police dispersed the people and 
cut the dummy figure of the anarchist down. 

It was shortly before 10 o'clock when several men dragged a figure 
fully dressed to tl'.e electric light pole, threw the rope to the top, and 
hoisted the effigy. A sign was suspended across the breast which read: 



CZOLGOSZ. 
We don't want anarchists in this country. 



One of the spectators lighted a match and set fire to the image. It 
had been soaked with kerosene and it burned fiercely. 

"That's right, burn the dog," cried an excited man. 

"Every one of them should be lynched or driven out of the United 
States," yelled another. 

Policeman John Moriarity climbed the pole and cut the figure down. 
The crowd jeered his efforts, but he dragged what was left of the effigy 
to the alley back of McVicker's Theater and then dispersed the gath- 
ering 



90 ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 

SAYS HE KNEW IT BEFOREHAND. 

John Bitting, 43 years old, was arraigned before Magistrate Connor- 
ton in the Flushing Police Court on September 14 on the technical 
charge of being a suspicious person. He was arrested at Bay Side, L. I., 
where he had worked as a barber for Leo Eosalino for less than a week. 
It is said that Bitting had declared to several people in the town that he 
had known four weeks before the assassination that President McKin- 
ley would be shot. Frederic A. Storm, a son of Congressman Frederic 
Storm of Bay Side, notified the police. 

Bitting was represented in court by Counsellor James A. Gray of 
Flushing. The examination was adjourned until Wednesday. The Se- 
cret Service men were notified of the arrest and Bitting's record is being 
looked up. It was found that he came to Bay Side from the employment 
agency of Louis Geyer of East Thirty-fourth street, and that he was 
formerly head barber at the insane asylum at South Norwich, Conn. He 
appears to be perfectly rational. 



GLAD MCKINLEY WAS SHOT. 

Burlington, Vt., Sept. 15 — Private Devine of Troop H, Eleventh 
United States Cavalry, stationed at Fort Ethan Allen, is to-night the 
most despised man in his regiment. At retreat, one week ago last 
night, when the men were informed of the attempt to assassinate Presi- 
dent McKinley, Devine expressed great satisfaction over the event, and 
applied an uncomplimentary epithet to the President. 

Devine's comrades were furious, and he was roughly handled and 
placed in the guard house. There, in a darkened room, he has been 
supplied with short rations, awaiting the outcome of the attack on the 
President's life. He was tried by court-martial to-day and sentenced 
to imprisonment for a long term — the officers at the fort refuse to say 
how long, but it is generally understood that it was for twenty years. 
He will probably be taken to Governor's Island. 



FtTNERAIi TRAIN IN PERIL. 

Rochester, N. Y., September 17. — All agents on the Allegheny divi- 
sion of the Pennsylvania Railroad received this important and highly 
sensational dispatch on Sunday night: 



ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 91 

Men were seen tampering witli the track near Ischua late to-night. 
Instruct all track men to remain on duty until after the funeral train 
has passed. 

Creighton, Superintendent Allegheny Division. 

It is believed that anarchists had perfected a plot to wreck the Presi- 
dential funeral train and that they made the attempt on Sunday night, 
acting upon incorrect information regarding the time of its departure 
from Buffalo and probable hour of passing Ischua. Ischua is a small 
station in this State, 57 miles from Buffalo, on the Allegheny division 
of the Pennsylvania road. Sunday night a number of men were seen 
in the vicinity of Ischua placing obstacles on the track. The fact was re- 
ported to the Pennsylvania Company by two men who witnessed the 
work of the train wreckers in time to warn the ag'ent at Ischua. The 
latter saw to it that the obstructions were promptly removed. The 
Ischua agent saw the men at work when he approached the spot desig- 
nated by his informants. The train wreckers discovered the agent be- 
fore he was close enough to get a view of their features and made good 
their escape. 

On the stretch between Frankville and Olean the Washington spe- 
cial makes a speed of GO miles an hour. The anarchists chose a point for 
their work which would have made the wreck complete and would inevi- 
tably have destroyed a large number of lives. 



THREATENED LYNCHIKG IN MINNESOTA 

St. Paul, Minn., vSeptember IS. — Rev. Albert Dahlquist to-iiight 
barely escaped being lynched by a howling mob of about 1,000 persons, 
who demanded that he be hanged. 

Dahlquist is alleged to have made a speech in Minneapolis a few 
days ago in which he referred to the assassination of President Mc- 
Kinley as "a noble deed." The man is an itinerant preacher and has 
been holding meetings on Payne avenue in a district largely inhabited 
by Scandinavians. Many of these persons had heard of his Jlinneapolis 
speech, and when he appeared at the hall to preach a crowd of over 1,000 
had assembled. 

As soon as Dahlquist appeared a rush was made for him and threats 
•f hanging and other ill treatment were made on all sidea He had 



92 ANAIWHI8TS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 

auticipated trouble, however, and a squad of policemen acted as a body- 
guard. They had great difficulty in protecting the man, and at last he 
broke away, jumped out of the window and ran down the street with the 
mob at his heels. Dahlquist outfooted his pursuers, however, and es- 
caped. 



QUICKLY SENT TO JAIL. 

New York, September IS. — At the Essex Market Police Court this 
morning a man in the crowd of spectators openly sneered at the badge of 
mourning which the police magistrate wore around his coat sleeve out 
of respect for the late President. Two minutes later the stranger was on 
his way to Blackwell's Island to do a sixty-day sentence to "give him time 
to reflect over the next insult he might offer to the memory of Mr. 
McKinley," as the magistrate put the ca.se. 

Alfred Dauschaal, a Dane aged fifty-two years, was sent to jail at 
Plainfield, N. J., for sixty days in default of a fine of |60 imposed for 
abusive language directed against the late President McKinley. 



WAE AGAINST THE ANARCHISTS. 

Newark, N. J., Sept. 18. — The war of extermination against anarch- 
ists in Newark, Vhich has been instituted by the police and the grand 
jury, was continued to-night by the executive board, which, on com- 
plaint of a police captain, voted to reject the application for a saloon 
license made by the men charged with harboring the anarchists, Zol- 
kowsky and Cesceo, who were arrested Saturday night in the saloon 
while drinking a toast to the health of Emma Goldman and Czolgosz 
and commending the assassination of the President. 

The board also adopted a resolution to the effect that any saloon- 
keeper possessing a license who shall be charged by the police with 
permitting anarchists to assemble in his place of business and make 
demonstrations against the government or the good order of the com- 
munity shall suffer the revocation of his license and shall not again 
receive a license. 

Stanberry, Mo., Sept. 18. — A mob to-day captured Perry Marsh, 
who had said that he wished President McKinley would die, and taking 





JOHN G. MILBURN. 

President of the Pan-American Exposition and 
President McKinley's host. He was stand- 
ing at the right of the President when 
the shots were fired. 



GEORGE B. CORTELYOU. 

Private Secretary to McKinley— was the first to 
reach him after he was shot. 




DR. P. M. RIXEY. 

Family phy.slcian of the McKinley family. 




MISS GRACE MACKENZIE. 

The I'lill.idclphia nurse who attended President 
.McKinley during bis last hours. 




KESIDENCE OF PRESIDENT MILBUEN OF THE PAN-AMERICAN 
EXPOSITION, BUFFALO. 

(Where President McKinley died.) 




MILBURN MANSION (REAR). 

The windows indicated bv X are those of the room occupied by President McKinley after 

the shooting. 



ANAKCHIST.'i- AUITATIOX AFTER ASSASSINATION. 95 

him to the city park threatened to lynch him. Marsh apologized 
humbly, his apology was accejited by vote and the crowd dispersed. 
Marsh, who is a laboring man, left town. 

Cleveland, O., Sept. 18. — Fi-ank Idings, who a few days ago said that 
he belonged to a society that woiild give |50,000 to any man who would 
kill President Iloosevelt, was to-day ordered turned over to the board of 
managers of the Ohio penitentiary by Judge Kennedy of the central 
police station. Idings was identified as a paroled convict. He was 
sentenced to the penitentiary in March, 1898, to serve five years for 
burglary in this city and was paroled in December, 1898. He will now 
serve two years more in the state prison. 

Nonnan, Ok., Sept. 18. — Citizens of Norman are demanding the 
resignation of Police Judge A. Overstreet because he is reported to 
have said that it was a shame to arrest Emma Goldman and that it 
woHld have been better for the poor people if McKinley had been killed 
long ago. 

Marshfield, Ore., Sept. 18. — John Peterson, who says he is a Nor- 
wegian, was run out of Marshfield to-day on account of utterances 
derogatory of the late President McKinley. Two men living on Coos 
river are reported to have expressed satisfaction at President 
McKinley's assassination. A party has been formed to visit them to- 
morrow. 



AN.\RCHIST IS SHOT DOWN. 

Sharon, Pa., Sept. 18. — John Martina, a sympathizer of Leon Czol- 
gosz, the assassin of President William McKinley, is lying in a critical 
condition at Coaltown, the result of being shot last night for anarchistic 
utterings. Martina and several of his friends got into a heated discus- 
sion over the shooting of President McKinley, when Martina exclaimed 
that Czolgosz did right and ought to be cleared. This unpatriotic 
utterance started the fight, revolvers were drawn and Martina was shot. 
It is feared that he will not recover. 

Evansville, Ind., Sept. 18. — Robert Walsh was taken before the 
police judge and sentenced to the county jail for three months for 
making a remark to the effect that he was glad McKinley had been 
kille^l. 

Quenemo, Kan., Sept. 18. — William Graham, a section hand who 



96 ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 

made remarks against the late President McKinley, was ordered by the 
Mayor to leave town at once. If he is here to-morrow the people say 
he will be tarred and feathered. 



TRY TO STRING UP MCKINLEY'S MALIGNER. 

Chicago, September 19. — But for the timely interference of the 
police of the West Thirteenth street station Frank Hemlick, 903 West 
Nineteenth street, would have been severely dealt with by the employes 
of the Heywood & Wakefield Rattan Company, Taylor street and 
Western avenue. 

Hemlick was at work Saturday morning when one of the men 
working with him remarked that it Avas a shame to kill so good a man as 
President McKinley. Remlick, it is said, reraarked that it was a good 
thing he was out of the way, as it would give a good man an oppor- 
tunity. This remark was overheard by a number of employes, who 
immediately congregated about Hemlick and threatened to do him 
violence. One said it would be a good thing to hang such an unpatri- 
otic fellow as Hemlick. 

Three of the men brought a rope and were intent on fastening it 
about Hemlick's neck when they were stopped by John De Roche, a 
brother of Detective Sergeant De Roche, who told them they Avere 
acting foolishly. 

"Boys, you had better report this affair to the superintendent," said 
De Roche, "and let him handle the matter. He will use his own judg- 
ment, and it will be good judgment at that." This satisfied the men 
and word was sent to Superintendent Colvin Hill, who on hearing the 
story immediately discharged Hemlick. 



NEW JERSEY GOVEKNOK WARNED. 

Trenton, N. J., Sept. IS. — Governor Voorhees to-day received a 
postal card postmarked Hoboken, N. J., which read as follows: "You 
want to keep quiet and keep your detectives away from here or you will 
get what McKinley got. We are looking for your kind." The card 
bore no signature. It is thought that it came from Anarchists at 
Hoboken. 



ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 97 

ASSAULT IN A MISSOURI TOWN. 

Springfield, Mo., Sept. 18. — Several Anarchists live liere and tlie 
Chicago police a few days ago requested that they be watched. To-day 
three men went into a trunk factory, dragged the propnetor, Fred 
Young, into the street, and assaulted him. Young says he is a Social- 
ist and not an Anarchist. His place is under police protection and 
further violence is feared. H. M. Tichenor, editor of the New Dispensa- 
tion, a publication with Anarchistic tendencies, has left the city on 
advice of the police. 

Delaware, O., Sept. 8. — Former City Commissioner E. O'Keefe and 
Farmer Le Fevere engaged in a fierce battle yesterday, one with a 
pistol, the other with a stone cutter's hammer. O'Keefe was working 
fifteen miles east of here, when he told Le Fevere of the President's 
injuries. 

Le Fevere said the President should have been shot four years ago, 
whereupon a fight ensued, the farmer being nearly beaten, to death. 
O'Keefe secured the pistol from the farmer and brought Lt here' laist 
night. 

Squire Wheeler refused Le Fevere a warrant for O'Keefe's arrest. 

Cincinnati, O., Sept. 8. — Quivering with emotion he tried in vain 
to suppress, protesting passionately that he was inuocent, Mounted 
Patrolman George Huessman was compelled to stand before a crowd in 
the office of Superintendent of Police Deitsch while Inspector Casey 
took from him the insignia of a member of the police department. 
The man failed to convince the superintendent that he did m)t mean 
what he said when, on Saturday morning, he is reported to have 
remarked to Patrolman Bell that he was glad McKialey bad been ahot, 
and that McKinley, Hanna, and the rest of the trust crowd ought to 
have been shot long ago. 



WAS ON HIS WAY TO KUAj ROOSEVELT. 

New York, Sept. 14. — Charles Miller, who was arrested at the Grand 
Central station last night by Central office detectives, was taken from 
the insane pavilion at Bellevue Hospital to YorkvilTe court to-day and 
formally returned to the institution for men-^al examination. 

Miller left Berlin, N. H., yesterday morning, saying that he was 



98 ANARCHIM'ii- AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 

going to Washington to kill Mr. Roosevelt. The police of this city were 
notified and when Miller alighted from a train last night he was 
arrested. The police believe the man is insane. Frequently Miller 
waved his hands about him, and to all appearances acted as one insane. 

While the clerk was drawing up the affidavits Magistrate Brann 
said to the prisoner: 

"What objections have you got to this government?" 

"It would be better," shouted Miller, "if we had an emperor. 1 
"want to know," he continued, "what the police mean by getting after 
me? It costs me a lot of money to get away from them, for they are 
always after me." 

Asked if he believed in Anarchists, Miller replied: 

"You people don't know what you are talking about. I am not ai 
Anarchist. Can't I read what the Most and Emma Goldman say with- 
out being an Anarchist. I am a great reader. I don't know what you 
all want with me." 

Detective Sergeant Rheaune undertook to quiet the man by saying 
that he should not talk so much, and that he had been treated very nice 
last night. 

"I don't want to be treated nice by your people," was Miller's reply. 

By this time the affidavits had been made out, and Magistrate Brann 
signed the order of commitment. In Miller's pockets the police found a 
newspaper clipping telling of the arrest of Most. 

Johann Most, who was arrested Thursday on the charge that he had 
printed a seditious article in his paper, the Freiheit, was released to-day 
on |1,000 bail. He will be examined in a police court next Monday. 

When the fact of the shooting of President McKinley became known, 
there was no Socialist with the taint of Anarchism in his or her blood 
who did not hasten to talk as if an editor or a seeker of notoriety by 
habit, to write or shout that the murderous assault must have been made 
by a lunatic. One can see in the matter gathered from all quarters and 
presented in this chapter that there is an Anarchist organization in this 
country, and that the denials that the assassin of a representative of gov- 
ernment of any kind anywhere are not the high blossoms of the system 
are falsifications, an ambuscade of words that are woven into a fiction. 
It is a part of the system to hold fanatical gatherings, to make them- 
selves frantic about public affairs, and that the climax of it is to intro- 



ANARCHISTS' AGITATION AFTER ASSASSINATION. 99 

duoe murder as a factor in politics. The Government of the United 
States is threatened by the assassin. ^Yhen an Anarchist is suf3ficient]T 
maddened to mal^e up his mind to do murder for his cause, he goes 
off on his bloody errand — is provided with means to travel, to eat and 
drink, and arm himself for the slaughter; and the test above all others 
of a true Anarchist is to deny that he has any accomplices. He always 
makes that denial. It is his highest duty as a member of an organiza- 
tion to deny that there is one, and the greatest sacrifice to membership 
to say he has no friends. The special weakness of the Anarchist Avhen 
he takes the highest degree of Anarchism, that of self sacrifice to the 
"duty," assassination, is his vanity. Of course he is fundamentally 
foolish, but his grand possession is egotism. That was what overcame 
the infatuation of the assassin of McKinley. When he had shot the 
President and was safe in jail, he was in a state of exaltation and 
talked. He denied all stories and theories that he had assistants. He 
wanted the fame all to himself, but he pointed out the woman who 
indoctrinated him. Of the theory of the distinguished Dr. Tahuage 
that the thing to do with the assassin of the President was to have 
beaten his brains out on the spot, all the Anarchists would have re- 
joiced, and all who have incited public hatred as a political element 
would have insisted upon the insanity of the wretch. It is the des- 
perate effort of a mob always to disfigure one destroyed by their sudden 
violence. If the assassin of McKinley had been so mutilated and dis- 
figured as not to be recognizable, the Anarchists would never have 
recognized the remains. It would have suited them if there had been 
established a mystery of murder. The people at large of the United 
States will read this chapter with surprise, because it shows a consider- 
able number of persons and places where the assassination of the Presi- 
dent was in various ways approved — when the President was visited 
in his dying agony, and llic assassin sustained for the horror that he 
was fool and blind enough to describe as a "duty."' 



CHAPTER V. 

ANAKCHY AS A DOCTEINE. 

Proposed International Remedy — The Inflammatory State of the Public Mind — Incidents 
of a Warning >ature— Senator Depew on the Exposure of Our Presidents to Ex- 
ti-aordinary Ilislis — The Necessity of Safeguards. 

It is Washington news that the necessity of international co-opera- 
tion for the suppression of anarchists has several times been brought 
to the attention of the administration. 

Germany and Austria recently suggested an international agree- 
ment iiuder which the nations would jointly and separately proceed to 
stamp out the pest. The time is at hand, representatives of European 
nations assert, when the governments must organize and adopt an 
effective method of j)reventing the spread of anarchism. 

The assassination of President McKinley may result in the advances 
of Germany and Austria being encouraged, and an international agree- 
ment may Tse reached at an early date. 

Mr. John TV. Mackay, who arrived on the St. Paul the day after 
President McKinley's death, ordered the Commercial Cable offlces in 
London, Paris, New York and other cities, with the Postal Telegraph 
offices, draped in honor of the dead President. He expressed the deep- 
est sympathy for Mrs. McKinley and said the life of her husband was 
"worth more to the country than all the anarchists that could be piled 
up between here and perdition." The feelings of the passengers on the 
ship, he said, were too deep for adequate expression. Every one favored 
the immediate passage of a law by Congress that would hang the guilty 
anarchists and drive their upholders out of the country or put them at 
work on some island. 

"They should be dealt with severely," said Mr. Mackay. "We never 
had so good a government in San Francisco and Virginia City as during 
those years when the vigilance committees were in control. Every 
offender was tried by a jury of twelve good men, and, if found guilty, 
executed on the spot. Bad characters left the country instantly on re- 
ceiving warning from the committee. It did not have to be repeated. 

"I hope the newspapers and public officials will urge immediate ac- 

100 



ANARCHY AS A DOCTRINE. 101 

tion. This shooting down of good men lilie President McKinley is a seri- 
ous matter. It malies bo difference how brave a man may be, some 
cowardly assassin, with a noiseless gun, may shoot him from a roof at 
some unexjjected moment. Guards amount to nothing. Men have been 
assassinated in the midst of their soldiers. 

"Sumniary justice properly executed will do the work. Drive the an- 
archists out of America. Hang every one of them caught in these crimes 
without delay. Let the movement begin with vigorous action on the 
part of the community, and they will disappear when they find we mean 
business. Every anarchist arriving in this country should be sent back 
by the next steamer. The European police will attend to them. They 
are shadowed everywhere and they should be kept over there — hunted 
down and promptly exterminated. 

"The time has come for business men to take hold of this matter and 
settle it in good shape. There should be no half-way measures. Let the 
papers help the movement along, force Congress to make a proper law at 
the earliest moment and have officials see that it is executed. Public 
sentiment will do the rest. The country will sustain such a movement 
and make anarchy a thing of the past." 

Eegardiug the financial outlook, Mr. Mackay said: "I believe that 
Mr. Koosevelt will make a good President. He is a man of experience 
and sense; and, better than all, a patriot and a thorough American. He 
knows just what we want, and he will do his best to shape things ac- 
cordingly. He has natural executive ability, and I believe his policy 
will be conservative and wise — and always for the best interests of busi- 
ness and the country. 

The way a melee began in New York on the night after the death 
of Pi-esident McKinley shows how likely there is to be fire when there is 
so much fuel and the sparks are flying. A crowd attacked the building 
at No. 185 Henry street, where an anarchistic j)aper, the Arbiter 
Stlmme, is published, with threats to lynch the editor and a band of fel- 
low-anarchists who were gathered there. The anarchists fled up three 
flights of stairs to the roof and escaped to the street through another 
building. The crowd broke all the windows and battered down the door 
with paving stones. 

One of the anarchists, said to be A. Janowsky, editor of the paper, 
was later found in the neighborhood. A crowd of young men chased 
him yelling, "Kill the anarchist." He ran through Clinton street to East 



102 ANARCHY AS A DOCTRINE. 

Broadway and sought refuge in a restaurant. The proprietor ordered 
him out and delivered him into the hands of the crowd. He w^as knocked 
down, kiclved and beaten until he was nearly insensible. The crowd 
left him lying upon the sidewalk. None of the anarchists have since 
ventured to return to the Henry street place. 

About 200 boys, headed by a drummer, paraded up and down Henry 
street. Suspended from a. tree at No. 226 Henry street was a figure 
labeled "Czolgosz," and as often as the hoys passed beneath they 
yelled and groaaed and pelted the figure with stones. They visited the 
office of the Frei Arbiter Stimme to make sure the anarchists had not re- 
turned. Windows and doorways were crowded with people who ex- 
pected there would be trouble. 

A reporter asked one of the boys how the attack on the anarchists 
was precipitated. 

"We made a man out of straw," he said, "and hung it to the lamp- 
post in front of the house because we knew they were anarchists. One 
of the men came out and ordered us away. We asked him if he was 
an American, and he said no, that it was no use to become a citizen and 
that he was an anarchist. Then the trouble began." 

Dr. M. Eosenthal, who owns the house and leases the basement to 
the anarchists, said: 

"I never in my life saw such an angry mob. There were men as well 
as boys in it and they seemed to have lost all control of themselves. If 
they had caught those anarchists when they broke in I believe they 
would have torn them to pieces." 

Victor Gasscoe, 38, of No. 231 West Kinney street, and August Bris- 
cow, 17, of No. 13 Clayton street, Newark, two avowed anarchists, art' 
prisoners at the Fourth Precinct Police Station in that city. They were 
captured while having a frolic on hearing of the death of President Mc- 
Kinley. They will be arraigned befoi'e Judge I.amber-t in the First 
Criminal Court, charged by Police Captain Edwards with utter- 
ing seditious language and with brutally assaulting a woman who dis- 
played courage enough among a crowd of boisterous men to ery 
"Shame!" at them. 

Gasscoe and Briscow were arrested late Saturday night by Captain 
Edwards and Patrolman Bommeihs in the saloon of John Drozdowsky, 
No. 20 Charlton street, whose place has long been suspected of being 
a rendezvous of anarchists. 



AJ^^ARCHY AS A DOCTRINE. 103 

The captain was walking along Springfield avenue, when he came 
upon Mrs. John Soslosky of No. 43 Charlton street, who was weeping 
from the pain of a swollen and bruised face. A bystander informed the 
captain that Mrs. Soslosky had been assaulted by a man in Droz- 
dowsky's saloon because she denounced him for saying that the assas- 
sination of President McKinley was a justifiable act, and also for drink- 
ing a toast to the health of the murderer, Czolgosz. 

Mrs. Soslosky said she had entered Drozdowsky's saloon in search of 
her husband. She found the place crowded with half-drunken men, who 
were listening with apparent approval to a harangue which Gasscoe 
was delivering. According to Mrs. Soslosky, Gasscoe declared the Pres- 
ident to be the embodiment of tyranny, and that his death had been too 
long deferred. Briscow approved the sentiments of Gasscoe, and these 
two arose and drank beer to the toast of "Long life to Czolgosz, the 
hero." 

Mrs. Soslosky bravely faced Gasscoe and cried : 
"Shame on you for saying such words!'' 

Gasscoe's answer was a blow which struck Mrs. Soslosky in the face 
and knocked her down. Nobody interfered and the woman left the sa- 
loon to search for a iioliceman. 

Captain Edwards, Patrolman Eommeihs and Mrs. Soslosky went to 
Drozdowsky's saloon. Approaching Gasscoe, Captain Edwards said; 
"So you are an anarchist?" 

"Yes, I am an anarchist, and I am proud of it," replied Gasscoe. 
The captain seized him and dragged him from his chair. Gasscoe 
showed fight, but was subdued by a blow in the face. Captain Edwards 
faced the crowd of other anarchists, who fell sullenly back. Patrolman 
Rommeihs arrested Briscow. 

An immense crowd followed the prisoners to the Fourth Precinct 
Station-house. Realizing the danger and hearing the cries of "Lynch 
them!" the policemen hurried to the station-house with their captives. 

One thousand angry men and women gathered about the station- 
house. There was talk of storming the building, and Captain Edwards 
was forced to order out the reserves to disperse the mob. 

Paul Wurz, living at Haledon, N. J., got into an argument at the 
Bellevue Hotel Saturday after IMr. McKinley's death over the assassina- 
tion of the President. 



104 ANARCHY AS A DOCTRINE. 

"He never was any good!" shouted Wurz. "He ought to have been 
shot long ago!" 

In a tvi'inkling the spectator was lying on the floor. A minute later 
he was rolling in the gutter outside. Wurz picked himself up, smashed 
a window with a stone and ran away, but he was caught hiding behind 
an anarchist meeting hall at No. 325 Straight street by Policeman 
Fields. Later in the day Wurz was taken into court and fined |25 for his 
seditious words and |6 for breaking the window. 

Senator Depew thus reported on his visit to Buffalo, where he was 
at the time of President McKinley's death: 

"I went several times to the Milburn house. At 4 o'clock, although 
the report came that the President had rallied, the committee of rail- 
road men with whom I had been consulting decided to postpone the ex- 
ercises for Eailroad Day. On my visits to the Milhurn house I found no 
especial alarm. What was apparently an extreme attack of indigestion 
was considered to have been relieved. Later in the day almost the old 
hopefulness had its sway. Upon an evening visit, however, I found the 
gloom of a death chamber. I met Senator Hanna, who was quite un- 
nerved, and he told me that the President was dead. 

"I was among the men who were near Lincoln when he died and was 
by, also, when Garfield died. Those about Lincoln were in a wild rage 
for revenge. Garfield was so short a time President that beyond the 
general horror and symiiathy tjiere were no evidences of deep feeling. 
At the Milburn house on Friday night a stranger would have said that 
the Cabinet officers, the judges, the Senators, and the distinguished men 
who were associated with President McKinley were members of his 
family and were feeling in his death the loss of a most cherished mem- 
ber. The poignancy of the grief manifested was extraordinary and 
showed what a tremendous hold the President had on those who came 
in contact with him. 

"Secretary Eoot is not an emotional man. His severe training at 
the bar has taught him to curb his feelings and given him a marvelous 
control over his emotions, but at the inaugiiration of Eoosevelt, in an 
effort to make a simple announcement that the Cabinet desired the 
Vice-President to at once assume the presidency, Mr. Root's battle to 
prevent himself giving external evidence of grief intensified by its fail- 
ure the broken sentences he uttered. I have witnessed most of the 
world's pageants in my time, where fleets and armies, music and can- 



ANARCHY AIS A DOCTRINE. 105 

non, wonderful ceremonials and costumes enchanted the onlookers and 
tired the imagination, but that all seems to me in recollection tawdry 
and insignificant in the presence of that little company in the library 
of the Wilcox house in Buffalo. It was apparently a gathering of pro- 
fessional and business Americans, coming hastily from their vocations 
to the meeting. 

"There was an interregnum of a few hours in the Chief Magistracy of 
the Republic. The long silence in the library which had become painful 
was broken by a few scarcely audible words of the Secretary of War. 
A brief pause and then the emphatic announcement by the Vice-Presi- 
dent of the continuance of the policy of McKinley for the peace, progress 
and honor of our beloved country lifted every one out of despair. Eoose- 
velt, with his youthful and his magnificent, athletic personality, and the 
terrible earnestness of his little speech, seemed to personify the indom- 
itable vigor of that American conquest and industrial and commercial 
evolution, and its continuance, of which McKinley, in the public mind, 
was largely the creator and wholly the representative. In repeating 
the words of the judge administering the oath, Roosevelt extended his 
hand over his head to the full length of his arm. He closely followed 
each sentence, and his ending seemed almost as if it was a salvo of ar- 
tillery: 'And so I swear.' 

"That little company had only a few minutes before left the house 
of the murdered President, and now they were extending congratula- 
tions to his successor who had assumed the greatest office which man 
can hold, and had become Chief Magistrate of the most powerful coun- 
try in the world." 

Commenting upon the act of the assassin at Buffalo, Senator Depew 
said: 

''It is singular that the United States, possess^ing the freest govern- 
ment the world has ever known, its Presidents, with the exception of 
Washington, all having come from the humbler conditions and the ten- 
ure in the Chief Magistracy ending in four years, in thirty-six years 
three of them should have been assassimitcd. Autocratic Russia is a 
hotbed of conspiracy against the Czars, yet only one ruler in Russia has 
been murdered in the period covering the life of the American Republic. 
The GOO years of the nai)sburg house and nearly as many of the Hohen- 
zollem dynasty have been free from the tragedy of assassination. Only 
one member of the house of Savoy, King Humbert, fell under the assas- 



106 ANARCHY Ai^ A DOCTRINE. 

sin's hand. The English throne has been free from these crimes for 
a thousand years. In France in thirty years one of her Presidents has been 
assassinated; with the exception of Henry IV, none of her kings or em- 
perors. Tiie immunity of rulers of Continental Europe is ascribed to the 
care of guards. There are no special precautious surrounding the move- 
ments and residence of the English sovereign. 

"The murder of Lincoln was not the act of an anarchist and was as 
deeply regretted by the South, whose wrongs Booth thought he was 
avenging, as by the North. Had Lincoln lived, the reconstruction of the 
South on lines satisfactory to its intelligence would have come much 
sooner. The assassination of a ruler has always defeated the purpose of 
the attack by intensifying the power of the government assailed. The 
assassination of Garfield was the crime of an addle-brained egotist seek- 
ing notoriety, without accomplices or sympathizers. 

"President McKinley was the most beloved of our Presidents. Be- 
yond any of them, he possessed the affection of the whole American peo- 
ple. Parties and partisanship had ceased to have any enmity toward 
him personally. He was not only the best friend of the workingman 
and the wage-earner who ever filled the place of ruler of a great coun- 
try, but they all knew it and so regarded him. Notwithstanding these 
facts, this most popular of Presidents fell a victim to a conspiracy. His 
death was brought about as a result of teachings of a political school 
which, so far as they dare, approve and applaud the crime. 

"The conditions which give comparative safety to European rulers 
and make the position of President of the United States the most haz- 
ardous place in the world, must be considered in the protection to be 
given in the future to our Presidents. All Continental governments by 
concert of action among the police of the several countries locate, iden- 
tify and exchange descriptions of anarchists and anarchist groups. 
They arrest them on the slightest pretext, and in various ways endeavor 
to make life unbearable for them. The reds have in the main fled from 
these countries to find asylum only in Great Britain and the United 
States. They work a vigorous propaganda through their publications 
for use on the Continent. The Scotland Yard police keep the London 
anarchists under constant surveillance. The anarchist leaders in Rus- 
sia are all foreigners, as with us, with the exception of one or two. The 
leaders in Great Britain order that no outrages be committed there. 
They know that any attempt on the life of the sovereign would lead to 
the expulsion of them all. 



ANARCHY AS A DOCTRINE. 107 

'•The reds have discovered that in the United States there is such 
absolute freedom that there is no law, Federal or State, under which 
anything worse can happen than brief imprisonment if unsuccessful, 
and execution only if successful, to the member of their society upon 
whom the lot falls to assassinate a President, a governor, a judge or a 
policeman. The chief tenets of the anarchist organization being revolu- 
tion of society by killing those who carry out its laws, now how can we 
protect our President and have him as safe from these assaults as Euro- 
pean sovereigns? 

"In the lirst place. President Loubet of the French Republic does not 
attend public meetings, speak from the platform or railway cars, move 
around in an approachable and conspicuous way to fairs and exposi- 
tions, nor hold open levees for the shaking of hands. Whenever he ap- 
pears he is guarded by secret police. They know his route, and, them- 
selves inconspicuous, keep a constant watch on the President and those 
near him. Our Presidents are in the habit of shaking hands with every- 
body who wishes wherever they temporarily stop or have been stay- 
ing. Can we afford, when the life of the President is so important to 
every interest of the country, to have him continue this ceremony with- 
out restriction or limitation? The American people number 77,000,000. 
It would be almost impossible for a President in his four years in office 
to shake hands with 50,000 persons. Considering that some one person 
in this insignificant proportion of our people might precipitate a tragedy 
that would plunge the whole country into grief and disturb commercial 
and industrial conditions, the question arises. Can we afford to continue 
to imperil our Presidents? 

"We must begin at the fountain head and stop the reservoirs of 
European anarchy pouring into our country. Such certification of im- 
migrants must be had as will establish a proper environment and asso- 
ciation abroad before they pass our immigrant inspectors. Supplement- 
ing this, there should be under proper safeguards the power lodged 
somewhere to expel known enemies of our laws and country. Legisla- 
tion should also be adopted by the Federal C.overnment and all States 
that will take attempts upon the life of the President which fail out of 
the category of mere assaults." 

Senator Depew's remarks al)<)ut safeguarding Presidents should have 
the most respectful attention, for they are fou,nded on information. 



CHAPTER VI. 

McKINLEY'S BOYHOOD AND EAKLY MANHOOD. 

McKinlej's Boyhood as Told bj His Mother— His Steady Rise to Leadership — How He Studied 
and (jirew Strong— His Early Tariff Speeches — The Law that Hears His Kame— The 
Object-Lesson He Gave the Country in His Journey Across the Continent — A Story of Him 
as a Boy-Soldier — His Story of His Own Regiment. 

There lias been no man of great prominence in our history, against 
whom the cry of establishing a class of rulers other than our citizens, 
native and naturalized, and doing something to abridge the liberties of 
the people at large, was less applicable in reason, than to President 
McKinley. He always was for the largest extension of manhood suf- 
frage, and forthe protection of the ballot and the ballot box — the accept- 
ance of all honest votes and their counting as voted. There never was an 
utterance of his touching this fundamental theme that was not clear and 
large in its liberality, and this was a lifelong recognition in the broadest 
sense of the supreme sovereignty of the people of the United States. 

In his boyhood, in the district of manufacturing industries of Ohio, 
he studied the problem of the protection of American labor as a question 
that came home to the house of his father, who was a workingman, in 
the literal use of the word; and one of the first things said of him, as he 
became known after his war experiences, and was a lawyer, is that he 
did that unusual thing — made a protectionist speech "interesting." The 
famous Thomas Corwin, the great wit and orator of his time, found 
nothing so difiieult as to interest the people of the West about the tariff. 
The tendency of public speakers on that subject was to employ too many 
figures, and give them in combinations of intricacy. Young McKinley 
put the mathematics of the matter on the anvil, red hot, and hammered 
the metal into implements, making the sparks fly. He was strong-handed, 
and was deeply grounded and minutely informed. He addressed the men 
of toil in the fields and shops, and had the excellent and commanding 
quality of sincerity. No man heard him who did not know that whatever 
errors there might be in his sayings, he was speaking his own convic- 
tions and was smiting the iron when it was hot, doing it heartily, and in 
a masterly way putting a fine finish on his work, beginning with blows 

108 



McEINLEY'S BOYHOOD AND EARLY MANHOOD. 109 

like those delivered by a blacksmitli and touching it up at last with 
strokes that gave symmetry to the blade he fashioned and added an edge. 

The mothers of Washington, Grant, Garfield, and McKinley saw 
their sons Presidents, but Washington parted with his mother never to 
see her again, when on the way to be inaugurated the first time. Mrs. 
Grant and Mrs. Benjamin Harrison lived to have the honor of seeing 
their fathers as guests in the White House. Nancy Allison McKinley 
gave this account of her illustrious son in a conversation reported by the 
Journal of December 27, 1896: 

"Don't think my bringing up has much to do with making my son 
William the President of the United States. I had six children, and 
I had all my own work to do. I did the best I could, of course, but I 
could not devote all my time to him. 

"William was naturally a good boy, but he was not particularly a 
good baby. He began to take notice of things when very young. He 
was a healthy boy. 

"We lived in a village and he had plenty of outdoor air and exercise. 
He was a good boy in school and his teachers always said he was very 
bright. He had his little squabbles with his brothers and sisters, like 
all other children do. I guess I never paid much attention to that. 
He was always obedient, however, affectionate and very fond of his 
home. 

"We were Methodists, though we never went to the extent of curbing 
the innocent sports of the children. William was taken to Sunday 
school about the same time that he began his studies in the village 
schoolhouse. He continued a faithful attendant every Sunday till he 
went away to the war. I brought up all my children to understand 
that they must study and improve their minds. 

"My ideas of an education were wholly practical, not theoretical. 
I put my children into school just as early as they could go alone to the 
teacher, and kept them at it. I did not allow them to stay away. As 
you may imagine, I had little time to help in their studies, though I 
kept track of their work in a general way through the reports of their 
teachers. I did most of the household work, except the washing and 
ironing, and made nearly all the children's clothes; but I saw that the 
childron were up in the morning, had breakfast and were promptly 
ready for school. 

"That was the way the days of every week began for me. Onrc waa 



110 McEIN LEY'S BOYHOOD AND EARLY MANHOOD. 

a hard, earnest life. My husband was always an early riser and off 
to his work. I am now speaking of our life at Niles. At Poland he 
was away from home most of the time, and the whole burden of the 
family cares fell on me. 

"We moved to Poland when William was about eleven years of 
age. We went there because the schools were better. My husband 
was a foundryman and his work kept him at Niles. 

''William was a great hand for marbles, and he was very fond of 
his bow and arrows. He got so that he was a very good shot with the 
arrow and could hit almost anything that he aimed at. The thing he 
loved best of all was a kite. It seems to me I never went into the 
kitchen without seeing a paste pot or a ball of string waitimg to be 
made into a kite. He never cared much for pets. I don't believe he 
ever had one. 

"We did not own a horse, so he never rode or drove. He was always 
teasing me to be allowed to 'go barefoot' the minute he came home from 
school. In 'going barefoot,' when he stubbed a toe or bruised his foot, 
he was as proud as a king in showing the injury to the other boys. 
When summer came he always had a stone bruise. His shoes came off 
before the snow had left the ground. 

"Although William had no taste for fishing, and rarely, if ever, 
attempted the sport, he was fond of swimming in the deep pool on 
Yellow Creek, a little way above the dam. The swimming hole was 
reached by the left bank of the river, after crossing the bridge, and was 
shaded by a large black oak that spread its branches far over the water. 
Here the boys used to go after school on warm summer evenings and 
splash in the water for some time. 

"Our first home in Poland was on the main street, just east of the 
comer store. It was — and still is — a frame building, painted slate 
color, and was not as large as the houses we afterward dwelt in. Our 
second- residence was further down the street, toward the mill, where 
Dj. Elliott now lives. The third house, now occupied by Mrs. Smithers, 
was on the other side from the other two, and we had a veranda along 
the entire front of the house. 

"William was promptly entered at the seminary and developed 
strong inclinations to .study. In time he became a member of the liter- 
ary association in the Poland Union Seminary, and I frequently heard 
of his taking part in the debates and other literary contests. Mrs. 




McKINLEY HOMESTEAD— CANTON, OHIO. 




TEMPLE OF MUSIC. 

(Ill which President McKinlcy w;is assassinated.) 




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McKINLEY'S BOYHOOD AND EARLY MANHOOD. 113 

Morse, who was his teacher, says that he excelled in the study of lan- 
guages, although he was fairly 'good at figures.' I know that he was a 
constant reader, and by the time he was fifteen he began to read poetry, 
being especially fond of Longfellow and Whittier, and, I believe, Byron. 
From this time of his boyhood he gave up most of his sports except ball 
playing, swimming and skating. The boys played ball on the com- 
mon behind the seminary. 

"Practically, the McKinleys were very strong abolitionists, and 
William early imbibed very radical views regarding the enslavement 
of the colored race. As a mere boy he used to go to a tannery kept 
by Joseph Smith and engage in warm controversies on the slavery 
question. Mr. Smith was a Democrat, and so were several of the work- 
men about the tannery. These disputes never seemed to have occas- 
ioned any ill-feeling toward William, because he was always popular 
with the very men with whom he had the most controversy. 

"This fact was shown by his being selected as a clerk at the little 
postoffice. As William grew older he developed fondness for the 
society of young men. This was encouraged by me. He had always 
shown great affection for his sisters, often preferring, as a boy, to 
remain indoors with them on holidays rather than to join in sports with 
other boys on the common. 

"His boyhood days ended when he left home to go to the war. That 
took him out into the world in the broadest sense. Except for a few 
weeks spent at Allegheny, this, his first absence from home, was spent 
in a camp of war. 

"What do I regard as essential in bringing up a boy to be President? 

"I can scarcely say; there are so many things to teach boys. They 
should be taught to be honest in dealing with their fellow men. They 
should win the respect and confidence of all. Then boys should be 
brought up to love home, if you want to make good men, or Presidents 
either, of them. 

"The home training, such as is inculcated in the true American 
home, is a great safeguard to the lads of this country. Boys, to be 
good men, must be good to their parents. Any boy who wants to be 
President should be honest and truthful, and he should love his home, 
his family and his country. 

"No boy will ever be President who is afraid of hard work. I think 
religion is a great benefit to a boy. I know William was a bright boy 



114 McKINLEY'8 BOYHOOD AND EARLY MANHOOD. 

and a good boy, but I never dreamed that he would be President of 
the United States, 

"After all, I don't believe I did raise the boy to be President. I 
tried to bring up the boy to be a good man, and that is the best that 
any mother can do. The first thing I knew, my son turned around and 
began to raise me to be the mother of a President." 

The age of William McKinley when he enlisted as a soldier of the 
United States was seventeen years. Once, in the first term of his Presi- 
dency, he corrected a statement by a lady that he and Senator Foraker 
were of the same age when they entered the army as enlisted men. The 
President said that at th, date of beginning military service the Senator 
was a year his junior; and a parallel of interest could be drawn as to 
their promotion and occupation, when they returned to civil life. 

Their intelligence, business capacity and soldierly enterprise, bravery 
and solicitude for chances of daring, and energy in improving them, 
showed that they did very well, considering they were not pressed into 
high places by personal influences vigilant to call attention to their mer- 
hs. They were not of the same army, Foraker being identified with the 
Western and McKinley with the Eastern lines of operation. They were 
high-spirited young men, and gained early the consideration of capable 
officers. McKinley was a private in the regiment commanded by Colonel, 
afterwards President, R. B. Hayes, and an early episode in his career 
would indicate that of a disposition to assert his rights as a boy carrying 
a gun, to have a good gun issued to him. An American soldier generally 
knows something about a gun, and objects seriouslj^ to handling a weapon 
inferior to that in possession of the enemy. This was observable at the 
opening of the Spanish war, when the Spanish had Mausers and smoke- 
less powder, while some of the United States troops had Springfield 
rifles, asserted by the dissatisfied to be antiquated. This, it is to be 
remembered, was a state of things conspicuous in front of Santiago. 

It was one day in an Ohio camp of instruction, before McKinley's 
regiment was ready for the field, that the boys were aroused and full of 
wrath because they had served to them guns of inferior quality. There 
was no disorder, but there were manifestations of dissatisfaction that 
caused protests to be made hardly in strict accord with military discip- 
line, and McKinley was one of the boys who stood up for a better gun. 
He had very little to say, but was in the front line, when Colonel Hayes 
came to the rescue, and made a brief speech that was not forgotten 



McKINLEY'S BOYHOOD AND EARLY MANHOOD. 115 

for a long time. The Colonel admitted that the guns were not fit to 
be given to the-regiment, but were the best, indeed the only, guns that 
could be found for them. lie called attention to the fact that in the 
Army of the Revolution the arms were often not suitable to be taken 
into active service. After reciting familiar anecdotes of the experience 
of the fathers, he invited the boys to take notice they would need a good 
deal of drilling before the firearms would be used on the battlefield, 
and that by the time they were sent under fire, they would have rifles 
that would be satisfactcr-y, if they could be provided by the Government, 
which was making the utmost exertions to equip the men who were 
going forth to fight for the country, in the most becoming manner for 
efficiency. In conclusion, the Colonel mentioned the oath taken when 
mustered into service, and with stern words, but a kindly manner, 
adjourned the meeting, and the boys labored assiduously with the old 
muskets, until there was an exchange that was agreeable. The speech 
of Colonel Hayes on the gun question did much to make the officers 
and enlisted men acquainted, and they liked each other all the better. 

Major McKinley attended often the reunions of his regiment, the 
Twenty-third, and Avas in high favor with his comrades, in 1877 his 
share of the encampment was to read a history of the «ervices of the 
regiment, which was as follows: 

MCKINLEY'S HISTORY OF HIS OWN REGIMENT IN THE CIVIL WA3. 

The complete history of any one of the active veteran regiments from 
Ohio is almost the history of the war itself. The grand march of 
Sherman to the sea has its full record of events written in many Ohio 
regiments. Grant's great army of assault against Richmond finds its 
struggles and sacrifices, its defeats and its victories, fully told in Ohio's 
part in the war, while Sheridan's brilliant triumphs in the Shenandoah 
Valley cannot be written witliout Sheridan and the Ohio regiments. 

The Twenty-third Ohio, whose first enlistment was for three years, 
was one of the first original three years' regiments mustered into the 
United States service from Ohio at Camp Chase, on the 11th day of 
June, 1861. In July, 1801, the regiment commenced active service in 
West Virginia under General Rosecrans, and from this time to its 
muster out in the summer of 1865 was for the most part engaged in 
active campaigning. Its first battle was that of Carnifax Ferry, Sep- 
tember 10, 1861, famous to us chiefly because it was our first battle, 



116 McEINLEY'S BOYHOOD AND EARLY MANHOOD. 

and enjoyable because our part in it was neitlier difficult nor dangerous, 
and for the additional reason that Floyd, under cover of the night, 
accommodated us by evacuating his stronghold, thus sparing us a 
renewal of the conflict in the morning. I will not pause before sterner 
events, which were soon to await us, to detail our experiences during the 
winter of 1S61 and early spring of 1862. The expedition to Princeton, 
always in the advance; the burning of the village by the Confederate 
forces, the almost daily skirmishing with a retreating foe, the battle 
with General Heath, against fearful odds; the want of supplies, our 
beautiful camp at Flat Top mountain — the simple suggestion of these 
scattering incidents will bring a crowd of memories to your mind, and 
fill up the gap which my limited time forces me to omit in this narra- 
tive of the regiment. 

WITH ARMY OF POTOMAC. 

From these experiences, in August, 1862, with General Cox's 
division, we pass to the Army of the Potomac, and you will long 
remember that famous march, averaging over thirty miles per day for 
three days, to the boats that were waiting to transport us to our rail- 
road connections. From Washington we moved on to Frederic, where, 
after little resistance and some fighting, we entered that beautiful 
city. There on to Middletown, and just fifteen years ago to-day, in this 
very month, and upon this very day of the month — September 14, 1862 
— Cox's division fought the battle of South Mountain, the Twenty-third 
taking an active and conspicuous part in that engagement — a battle 
which for the skill and adroitness of its management, the fury and 
intensity of its execution, has few parallels in foreign or domestic wars 
— the real courage displayed then and there, by both officers and men, 
was an example of the after brilliant career of the regiment and divis- 
ion. Three bayonet charges were made, following in close succession 
up the steeps of that rugged slope, and, although the lieutenant-colonel 
commanding the regiment, to whom all looked for inspiration and direc- 
tion, fell severely wounded at the head of his command, and two 
hundred of our brave comrades "fell where they fought," to the right 
and to the left, undaunted and unchecked you followed your new com- 
mander until Cox's division was master of the field and the situation. 
South Mountain was a splendid victory, though achieved at great cost. 



McKlN LEY'S BOYHOOD AND EARLY MANHOOD. 117 



AT BATTLE OF ANTIETAM. 

Quickly followed Antietam, one of the great battles of the war. 
Cox's division, on the extreme left, constantly and severely exposed, 
maintained itself throughout the day's desperate fighting and charging. 
The colors of the Twenty-third, shot down, are quickly replanted, a new 
line formed, another charge and the enemy retires. Conspicuous in 
the movement which carried the enemy's position at the famous stone 
bridge on the National right — the death trap of the Antietam battle- 
field — was the Twenty-third. The Kanawha division had done its duty 
well — it was thanked in general orders. Cox was made a Major-Gen- 
eral, the eagle gave place to star on the shoulders of Crook, Scammon 
was alike promoted, and our wounded Hayes, to the delight of officers 
and men, was made the Colonel of the regiment he had so long com- 
manded. Back again to the Kanawha; but before we reach its beauti- 
ful river and picturesque valleys the Confederate General Stuart gives 
us a little chase into Pennsylvania. 

The winter quarters at the mouth of the Great Kanawha — thence 
back to Charleston in March, 1863; the movement against Raleigh; 
the whirl through Ohio after John Morgan, the first at New River bridge, 
its burning, the crossing of Salt Pond mountain, the latter forbidding 
description; a rocky, mountain pass, where every boulder in the road 
was like a little mountain; it was enough to appal the stoutest hearts. 
But the battle of Clojd ^Fountain, under General Crook, famous in the 
regiment's history, must command a passing word. Skillful and 
furious, it tried the metal of the best men of the command. The 
Twenty-third was on the right of the First Brigade, and over the beauti- 
ful meadow which intervened, the troops move grandly at a double 
quick— the ball and canister of the enemy having little perceptible 
effect upon their well-formed line; down to the ugly stream which inter- 
posed its obstruction, in full sight and range of the Confederates. 
Without a halt, on they dash into it and across it. "Then with a yell, 
amidst shrapnel and shell," the ascent is commenced — quick and 
furious the charge is continued amid heavy fire of musketry; the 
enemy's works are taken, their artillery captured, and another great 
victory is added to the regiment's scroll of fame. Staunton is at last 
reached, and here the term of service of the regiment expires. 

Although a hard and dangerous campaign Is before ns, the bulk of 



118 McKIN LEY'S BOYHOOD AND EARLY MANHOOD. 

what was left enrolled themselves for another three years with unfalter- 
ing devotion to the great cause, and with the determination to remain 
at the front until treason was destroyed and the unity of the Nation 
was established, Not pausing at Brownsburg and the resistance which 
everywhere greeted us, nor at Lexington and our triumphal entrance 
into that city after the Confederates had destroyed the bridge, on to 
Lynchburg we march, meeting and driving the enemy at every point, 
capturing their artillery, moving like the resistless current of a mighty 
river. Acknowledging no impediments and yielding to no resistance, 
nothing could then have stood between our advance column and Lynch- 
burg but command to halt from one higher in command than a Crook, 
a Hayes, or a Duval. Lynchburg, that coveted prize, was within its 
grasp; but lo! in the morning it was too late; the shades of night had 
safely guided re-enforcements from Richmond to that beleaguered gar- 
rison, the opportunity of the previous night was gone, and we were at 
the mercy of the enemy. The command fought with the highest pos- 
sible courage, but overpowered by excessive numbers, surrounded on 
all sides, it took the genius of a Crook, the steady, vigorous hand of 
a Hayes, and the thorough discipline of the troops to save us from 
complete capture or a dreadful slaughter. Two days and two nights, 
without sleep or rest, part of the time wholly without food; fighting 
and marching and suffering, it seems to me, as I recall it, almost 
unreal and incredible that men could or would suffer such discomforts 
or hardships; but, my friends, it was all real— indeed I have not told 
half the suffering that was endured upon that retreat. Without 
flinching, the regiment obeyed every order that was given, unfalteringly 
it moved wherever duty summoned, without a murmur of complaint 
or a word of dissatisfaction— silently, grandly, patiently, and cour- 
ageously they bore it all. Big Sewall mountain is reached, and, though 
we had sat at its base and viewed its summit many times before, we 
gave it thrice welcome, for here was rest for the footsore and weary 
soldier and food for his almost exhausted body. 

WITH SHERIDAN AT WINCHESTER. 

From here we were ordered to Martinsburg with General Crook, 
thence to Cabletown, and now comes a day of supreme peril— the fight 
and surprise at Snicker's gap. The Twenty-third and Thirty-sixth Ohio 
are completely surrounded by two divisions of Confederate cavalry; but. 



McEINLEY'S BOYHOOD AND EARLY MANHOOD. 119 

with a courage bom of desperation, they mow down the solid column 
which stands between them and safety, and again are ready for a new 
encounter, which they find at Winchester on the 24th of July, 1864. 
This battle-scarred and war-beaten place was to be the theater of 
another engagement, which to us proved highly disastrous. Our regi- 
ment, three times recruited, lost over one-sixth of Hs force, but never its 
old spirit and discipline, and when at Martiusburg Crook ordered an 
attack upon the rebel cavalry, it was done with the old shout of tri- 
umph, and they were sent whirling back to their reserve — the infantry. 
I must hasten on. Sheridan comes with a re-enforcement of cavalry 
and infantry and is placed chief in command. Now commences a waltz 
up and down the valley, fighting and skirmishing, first at this point, 
and then at another, intrenching ourselves for a little while here and 
then over yonder. Halltowu becomes the scene of a sharp and decisive 
conflict between Hayes' brigade and Kershaw's division, resulting in 
a marked victory, routing the enemy and capturing many prisoners. I 
witnessed nothing through the war more plucky and determined than 
the affair just mentioned. It was the dash of sublime and wicked 
audacity. Skirmishes were the order of the day, until September 3d, 
when the night battle at Benyville was fought by Crook's division, con- 
tinuing until after 10 o'clock. It was a grand spectacle! the flashes 
from the musketry and artillery illuminating the field with the bril- 
liancy of a thousand gas jets. I pass over and on to the battle near 
Winchester, September 19th, called officially, I believe, the battle of 
Opequan. This was a general engagement in which the forces on both 
sides stubbornly contested the field. For a time the fortunes of war 
waned, when at last our line received a shock which secured the Con- 
federates an advantage. Crook's army was then hurried to the front, 
and, in reaching its assigned place, Hayes, impatient of delays and 
obstructions, dashed into that deep and insurpassable morass, never 
before traversed by the foot of man, his horse sinking almost from 
sight; now dismounted, he leaps to his saddle again, and, floundering, 
struggling, and wading, he reaches the other side in safety; then at 
the word of command the Twenty-third followed its old commander 
over the dangerous marsh, determined to go wheresoever he led them. 
Then into line; charge after charge is made; desperate and more 
desperate they grew, grape and canister were fast thinning out our 
ranks; another assault, and the ponderous columns met in the shock of 



120 McEINLEY'S BOYHOOD AND EARLY MANHOOD. 

the battle; then the death grapple and the shouts of victory went up 
from Sheridan's foo-ces, as when storms the welkin rend. 

We had won the day. Winchester was ours with the key to the 
valley of the Shenandoah. 

Following here was Crook's brilliant flank movement along North 
Mountain and the enemy's left, by which they were dislodged and 
driven from their stronghold in utter rout and demoralization. Think- 
ing only of personal safety, they left camp, equipage, artillery, and 
stores, giving us undisputed possession of what was believed to be an 
impregnable position. Strategic in its conception, impetuous in its 
execution, it stamped General George Crook as one of the foremost 
Generals in the war. This was thought to be the last of Early, but it 
was not. His silence and seeming inertness following Fisher's Hill 
were only the cover of a well planned and skillfully executed assault 
upon our lines upon the morning of October 19, 18G4, at Cedar Creek. 
Memory cannot soon forget Cedar Creek. The complete rout, the 
sweeping disaster of the morning — the glorious, grand victory of the 
evening! Memorable in the annals of that army, significant to the 
country at large, it quickened and unified public sentiment in the North, 
and stirred up emotions everywhere, such as no conflict up to that 
time had done. I will not, I cannot, describe the anguish of defeat in 
the morning, or the hallelujahs of victory in the evening. 

Historians have tried it only to fail — it cannot be written. The 
men only who were a part of the day's changing fortunes are conscious 
of it. The morning was ushered in, gloomy and indescribable; the even- 
ing closed grand, triumphant, unspeakable, and full of glory. It is the 
Marengo of the American rebellion, grander, and singularly more bril- 
liant and exceptional than Marengo, for Napoleon retrieved his defeat 
and losses of the morning by the arrival of a fresh and well disciplined 
corps, while the army of the Shenandoah retrieved its great disasters 
by the arrival, not o-f a corps, nor a division, but of a single man — the 
gallant Phil Sheridan — 

Who had ridden all the way 

From Winchester town to save the day. 

Here ends the most thrilling incidents of the regiment's history, and 
here the downfall of the Confederacy was clearly prefigured. The re- 
mainder of the regiment's service, a part of which was in the division 



McKINLEY'S BOYHOOD AND EARLY MANHOOD. 121 

commanded by that distinguished soldier, General S. S. Carroll, whose 
almost countless wounds attest his courage and devotion, consisted of 
camp and picket duty, hard marches, and frequent skirmishes, until the 
final surrender at Appomattox courthouse was everywhere proclaimed. 

As the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, Congressman 
McKinley's policy became the McKinley law, and in due course the Sol- 
dier and Statesman was elected President, and the country, knowing 
the man and his measure, and measures illustrated in its prosperity, ac- 
cepted the truth of his contentions. No man ever had more magnificent 
confirmation than he of public policy. 

The theories that were opposed to the principles of McKinley had a 
remarkably vigorous presentation in the many speeches of the Presi- 
dential candidate, under whose leadership the antagonisms were mus- 
tered, but there was for McKinley the evidence of things done, the testi- 
mony of events; and when his second election as President took place, 
and it was certified that there was not to be a change in American pol- 
icy, then there came to pass a movement in Europe— the central point of 
the development of agitation being in Vienna — looking to a confederacy 
of Empires, to institute protection for the European peoples against the 
conquering progress of North America in the manifestation of superior 
resources under enlightened administration of wholesome protective 
laws, made by the people for the people. The journey of the President of 
the United States across the continent was an object-lesson to the pow- 
ers of Europe, that the foundations of American prosperity grew firm as 
broad, that the American people had emerged from the hands of those 
who would belittle their greatness. The Government was going on, with- 
out a jar, while the President was at his home in Ohio. The President 
gave his presence to the Pan-American Exposition, in part because it 
was Pan-American, and offered the occasion to celebrate the progress of 
that which the Filipinos call the Great North American Republic. 

At this point of our historical advancement, expansion, elevation, 
opulence, progress — the anarchist appeared with his pistol, and fired his 
significant, sinister, murderous shot 



CHAPTER Vn. 

McKINLEY AND PHIL SHERIDAN. 

Who Sheridan Found First at the End of His Famons Ride from Winchester to a Lost 
Battlefield that Was Soon Regained— A Letter From McKinley to Murat Halstead. 

William McKinley, the third martyr President, was the first man 
Sheridan found at the end of his ride from Winchester down to the fight, 
who could tell what had happened and where the men the General wanted 
were. The President was one of the heroes of the battle. 

The most spirited, brilliant and striking of the poems of the war of 
the States and sections of our reunited country is that by Thomas Bu- 
chanan Kead on "Sheridan's Ride," at the end of which the General 
steadied the lines that had been broken, regained the lost field and won a 
decisive victory. 

It happened that the author of this book was personally much inter- 
ested in Read's poem, for at the time it was written his residence was next 
door to Read's on the south side of East Eighth street, Cincinnati, and 
Mr. Halstead heard all about the poetry before it was read in public by 
James E. Murdock, in Pike's Opera House, Cincinnati, and printed next 
day in the Cincinnati Commercial. Mr. Read was called before the cur- 
tain after the reading, which was a thrilling success and a dramatic scene, 
and received an ovation that rewarded him for his evening's work. His 
brother-in-law, Cyrus Garrett, had returned from his plow manufactory 
to his home — ilr. and Mrs. Read were his guests — and he, throwing down 
Harper's Weekly before Read, said in his very practical way: "There, 
Read, is something you ought to write about." 

The first page was filled with Sheridan on his black horse at full speed 
down the Winchester turnpike, riding to the sound of the artillery that 
was echoing from the slopes of the Blue Ridge, and thundering along the 
splendid valley of Virginia. Garrett and his wife, who was the poet's 
sister; Read and his wife, a slender and beautiful woman with golden 
hair, and the celebrated actor and elocutionist, Murdock, sat down to 
supper. 

Read was silent and pensive, and, as when he wrote "Drifting," he 
could have said, "My soul to-day is far away." He had hardly tasted food 

122 



McKINLEY AND PHIL SHERIDAN. 123 

when be whispered to his wife : "Please bring to our room presently 
a pot of tea." He was already absorbed in writing when he got the tea, 
and his wife glided away. 

In a couple of hours he appeared in the pai'lor with some blotted and 
scribbled sheets and read the immortal lines. But he did not read as well 
as he wrote, and, when he had concluded, Murdock snatched the manu- 
script and coined every word, and made the coin ring as he read, saying 
at the conclusion : "The very thing for me to read to-morrow night at 
the opera house," and the roof of the house, being strongly fastened with 
iron rods, held fast while it was done. 

Major McKinley was one of the soldiers who stood with the colors 
while Sheridan rode down from Winchester. His extraordinary intelli- 
gence, ability and bravery made him well known to Sheridan, Wright, 
Crook and Hayes, and without favor he had won promotion by gallantry 
on other fields. It was not until he was Governor of Ohio that the writer 
heard of the fact that it was to speak to him that Sheridan drew rein on 
his black steed when he reached the firm fragments of the line of battle, 
his staff strung out on the white pike for a mile, and Mr. Halstead wrote 
to the Major, requesting him to state the facts. He replied, and was asked 
to be allowed to publish the letter, but he said no; that he did not care to 
get into print about himself. 

To all who were in the battle, or have studied the story of it, the letter 
following is a series of war pictures possessing the highest interest and 
charm : 

"State of Ohio, Executive Department. Office of the Governor, Co- 
lumbus, Feb. 1(), 1895. — My Dear Mr. Halstead: Upon my return from 
my Elastern trip I find yours of the 12th. I remember quite well the inci- 
dent mentioned by you. I had been across the pike to put in position Colo- 
nel Dupont's battery, by order of General Crook, and as I returned I met 
Sheridan dashing up, and he asked me where Crook was. I took Sheridan 
to Crook, and they and the staff went back of the red barn. It was there 
determined by Sheridan to make the charge. Then it was suggested that 
Sheridan should ride down (he lines of the disheartened troops. His 
overcoat was pulled off him, and scnnebody took his epaulettes out of a 
box. nie epaulettes were placed upon his shoulders — and my recollec- 
tion is that this was df)no by Colonel Forsythe and another officer. Then 
Sheridan rode down the lines, lie was dressed in a new uniform. Sheri- 
dan alludes to this incident in his memoirs. 

"Very truly yours, W. McKINLEY." 



124 MoKINLEY AND PHIL SHERIDAN. 

This letter is of unique value, for Major McKinley had never cele- 
brated himself as a boy soldier. The placing of the Dupont battery, the 
meeting of Sheridan and Crook, the red barn, the new uniform and the 
epaulettes are in the simplest language and yet vividly realistic, and the 
poem must go with it: 

SHERIDAN'S EIDE. 
BY THOMAS BUCHANAN READ. 

"Up from the South at break of day, 
Bringing to Winchester fresh dismay. 
The affrighted air with a shudder bore. 
Like a herald in haste, to the chieftain's door, 
The terrible grumble and rumble and roar, 
Telling the battle was on once more. 
And Sheridan twenty miles away. 

"And wider still those billows of war 
Thundered along the horizon's bar; 
And louder yet into Winchester rolled 
The roar of that red sea uncontrolled, 
Making the blood of the listener cold 
As he thought of the stake in that fiery fray, 
And Sheridan twenty miles away. 

"But there is a road from Winchester town, 
A good, broad highway leading down ; 
And there, through the flush of the morning light, 
A steed as black as the steeds of night 
Was seen to pass, as with eagle flight, 
As if he knew the terrible need. 
He stretched away with his utmost speed; 
Hills rose and fell, but his heart was gay. 
With Sheridan fifteen miles away. 

"Still sprung from those swift hoofs, thundering South, 
The dust, like smoke from the cannon's mouth, 
Or the trail of a comet, sweeping faster and faster, 
Foreboding to traitors the doom of disaster; 
The heart of the steed and the heart of the master 
Were beating like prisoners assaulting their walls. 
Impatient to be where the battlefield calls ; 
Every nerve of the charger was strained to full play, 
With Sheridan only ten miles away. 



McEINLEY AND PHIL SHERIDAN. 1^5 

"Under his spurning feet, the road, 
Like an arrowy Alpine river flowed. 
And the landscape sped away behind, 
Lilie an ocean flying before the wind. 
And the steed, lilie a bark fed with furnace ire, 
Swept on, with his wild eye full of fire, 
But lo! he is ueariug his heart's desire; 
He is snuffing the smoke of the roaring fray, 
With Sheridan only five miles away. 

"The first that the General saw were the groups 
Of stragglers, and then the retreating troops. 
What was done? What to do? A glance told him both ; 
Then striking his spurs with a terrible oath 
He dashed down the line, 'mid a storm of huzzas. 
And the wave of retreat checked its course there, because 
The sight of the master compelled it to pause, 
With foam and with dust the black charger was gray; 
By the flash of his eye and the red nostril's play 
He seemed to the whole great army to say : 
'I have brought you Sheridan all the way 
From Winchester down to save the day !' 

"Hurrah ! Hurrah, for Sheridan ! 
Hurrah ! Hurrah for horse and man ! 
And when their statues are placed on high, 
Under the dome of the Union sky. 
The American soldiers' Temple of Fame; 
There with the glorious General's name. 
Be it said, in letters both bold and bright: 
'Here is the steed that saved the day. 
By carrying Sheridan into the fight. 
From Winchester, twenty miles away.' " 

The poet was never quite satisfied with the last stanza, and it is not a 
climax that crowns the work. The glow of inspiration faded when the 
story of the ride was told, but the far look into the future was truly a 
vision of fame. Sheridan had the same reason to be dissatisfied with the 
poetry about his ride that Sherman had with "Marching Through 
Georgia." Both got rather too much celebration for their comfort, but 
thus it is that with poetry and music heroes are wedded to immortality. 
Read served with General Lew Wallace as a staff officer during the siege 
of Cincinnati and was accused of riding in the spirit of his poetry, for 



126 McKINLEY AND PHIL SHERIDAN. 

the author of "Sheridan's Eide" kept up with "Ben Hur" one day when 
all the rest of the staff were left in a wild gallop over the Kentucky hills. 
He died in the Astor House a few days after his fiftieth birthday. 

Sheridan had been on a hasty visit to Washington, and was sleep- 
ing at Winchester, having heard that all was quiet at the front, when 
the sound of firing was heard and he was awakened and as it was re- 
ported that there was not enough cannonading to mean a battle, he was 
not in a hurry until, as he says in his memoirs, he noticed that "there 
were many women at the doors and windows of the houses, who kept 
shaking their skirts at us and who were otherwise markedly insolent in 
their demeanor; but supposing this conduct to be instigated by their well- 
known and perhaps natural prejudices, I ascribed to it no unusual signifi- 
cance." 

He says: "At the edge of the towm I halted a moment, and there 
heard quite distinctly the sound of artillery firing in an unceasing roai-. 
Concluding from this that a battle was in progress, I now felt confident 
that the women along the streets had received intelligence from the battle- 
field by the 'grapevine telegraph,' and were in raptures over some good 
news, while I as yet was utterly ignorant of the actual situation. Moving 
on, I put my head down toward the pommel of my saddle and listened 
intently, trying to locate and intei'pret the sound, continuing in this po- 
sition until we had crossed Mill Creek, about half a mile from Winchester. 
The result of my efforts in the interval was the conviction that the sound 
was increasing too rapidly to be accounted for by my own rate of motion, 
and that, therefore, my army must be falling back. At Mill Creek my 
escort fell in behind and we were going ahead at a regular pace, when, just 
as we made the crest of the rise beyond the stream, there burst upon our 
view the appalling spectacle of a panic-stricken army — hundreds of slight- 
ly wounded men, throngs of others unhurt, but utterly demoralized, and 
baggage w'agons by the score, all pressing to the rear in hopeless confu- 
sion." 

At Newtown Sheridan rode around the village and on this detour 
"met Major McKinley of Crook's staff," who "spread the news of my 
return," and then Sheridan says : 

"I then turned back to the rear of Getty's division, and as I came be- 
hind it, a line of regimental flags rose up out of the ground as it seemed, to 
welcome me. They were mostly the colors of Crook's troops, who had been 
stampeded and scattered in the surprise of the morning. The color bearers 



McKINLEY AND PHIL SHERIDAN. 127 

having withstood the panic, had formed behind the troops of Getty. The 
line with the colors was largely composed of officers, among whom I 
recognized Colonel K. B. Hayes, since President of the United States, 
one of the brigade commanders. Crook met me at this time, and strong- 
ly favored my idea of attacking, but said, however, that most of the 
troops were gone. General Wright came up a little later, when I saw that 
he was wounded, a ball having grazed the point of his chin so as to draw 
the blood plentifully." 

It will be noted that after meeting McKinley Sheridan "turned back" 
and then saw the regimental flags rise from the ground and these were 
mostly the colors of Crook's troops. It was thus that Sheridan in his 
clear narrative testifies that Major McKinley was in front of the troops 
of his division then — so that Sheridan had to "turn back" to find them — 
and was the first man who gave him the news intelligently and took him 
to Crook, one of the bravest and most competent officers in the army, who 
strongly favored the idea of assuming the offensive. 

Korth of the town where Sheridan met McKinley, who was at 
Crook's order seeing to placing a. battery to stand off the victorious Con- 
federates, Sheridan says: "I met a. chaplain digging his heels into the 
sides of his jaded horse, and making for the rear with all possible speed. 
I drew up for an instant, and inquired of him how matters were going at 
the front. He replied, 'Everything is lost, but all will be right when you 
get there.' Yet notwithstanding this expression of confidence in me, the 
parson at once resumed his breathless pace to the rear." 

Sheridan saw the Confederates were getting ready to attack and 
"Major Forsythe now suggested that it would be well to ride along the 
line of battle before the enemy assailed us, for altliough the troops had 
learned of my return, but few of them had seen me. Following his sug- 
gestion, I started in behind the men, but when a few paces had been 
taken I crossed to the front and, hat in hand, passed along the entire 
length of the infantry line." He had been on the field nearly two hours at 
this time. The enemy were soon checked, and Sheridan says he was ready 
to assail about 4 o'clock, having been on the ground five hours and the 
way he sailed in was "by advancing my infantry line in a swinging move- 
ment, so as to gain the valley pike with my right between Jliddletown and 
the Belle Grove House, and when the order was passed along the men 
pushed steadily forward with enthusiasm and confidence." 

Early's line on the right was longer than Sheridan's and there was 



128 McKINLEY AND PHIL SHERIDAN. 

a moment of danger there, but General McMillan broke the Confederates 
at the re-entering angle by a counter charge, cutting off the flanking 
troops, and "Custer, who was just then moving in from the west side of 
Middle Marsh Brook, followed McMillan's timely blow with a charge of 
cavalry, but before starting out on it, and while his men were forming, rid- 
ing at full speed himself, to throw his arms around my neck. By the time 
he had disengaged himself from this embrace the troops broken by Mc- 
Millan had gained some little distance to their rear, but Custer's 
troopers, sweeping across the Middletown Meadows and down toward 
Cedar Creek, took many of them prisoners before they could reach the 
streams — so I forgave his delay." 

All was regained and twenty-four pieces of Confederate artillery 
and 1,200 prisoners taken. When the news reached Grant he "directed a 
salute of 100 shotted guns to be fired into Petersburg," and President 
Lincoln wrote this letter : 

"Executive Mansion, Washington, Oct. 22, 1864. Major General Sher- 
idan: — With great pleasure I tender to you and your brave army the 
thanks of the nation, and my own personal admiration and gratitude, for 
the month's operations in the Shenandoah Valley, and especially for the 
splendid work of Oct. 19, 1864. Your obedient servant, 

"ABRAHAM LINCOLN." 

Sheridan was soon promoted to be a major general in the United 
States army. Major McKinley did his whole duty throughout the vicis- 
situdes of this memorable day, and all the soldiers who knew him on the 
field always name him to praise him. 




ABRAHAM LINCOLN, ASSASSINATED IN 1865. 

Abraham Lincoln, the first President to fall at the hands of an assassin, had 
a wonderful career. He was the eighteenth President of the United States. His 
parents were very poor and he was born in a Kentucky log cabin. In 1S30 his 
father emigrated to Illinois. Lincoln had no advantages, his whole life being a hard 
and toilsome struggle against adversity. He fell at the hands of an assassin, in 
1865. in his fifty-sixth year, but not until he had seen the results of his labors 
in behalf of his country. He was a "plain man." with an abiding faith in the 
"common people." and a great love for them; they loved him, too. and understood 
him. He was nature's nobleman. His oratory was simplicity itself, but grand and 
Imposing, 



CHAPTER VIII. 

PRESIDENT McKINLEY AS A CONGRESSMAISl. 

Sixteen fears cf "Strenuous life" In tlie House— He Worked Hard, Did Not Seek to 
Push Himself— At Last Became a Leader and Had tlic Greater Share of Responsi- 
bility for the Great Law that Bears His Name— Gerrymandered Out of the House 
He Had Two Terms of Governor— The Masterly Logic of McKinley in Debating the 
Tariff Question. 

It was in connection with, tariii legislation in Congress that William 
McKinley's reputation as a member of the House became a distinction 
known to the Nation. He had an early interest in and mastery of the 
effect of protective legislation, that is, the discrimination of the Nation 
in favor of American workingmen. When William McKinley, Jr., as he 
wrote himself during his father's life, was born, William McKinley 
senior was the manager of an iron furnace. The younger McKinley had 
practical information about the iron industry. The Civil War that broke 
out in 1861 found him a youth in the Allegheny college, but he entered 
the army and for fourteen months carried a musket. In the battle of 
Antietam his conduct won the hearts of his regiment. Col. R. B. Hayes 
had his left arm broken at South Mountain, and when at home recovering 
from his wound he recommended McKinley for a Lieutenant's commis- 
sion, and presently got it. He was promoted for cause, and when tlie 
war neared the end he was Captain. Just a month before Lincoln fell 
a victim to Booth's bullet McKinley received from him a commission as 
a :\Iajor by brevet in the volunteep army of the United States, "for 
gallant and meritorious services at the battles of Opequan, Cedar Creek 
and Fishers Hill." 

Fourteen months in the ranks in the army was a good preparation 
for sixteen years in Congress. It was in the Centennial year 1870 that 
he was first nominated for Congress. lie was elected by three thousand 
three hundred majority. During the progress of this canvass he visited 
the Centennial Exposition at rhiladelphia, and was introduced by James 
G. Blaine to a great audience, which he captivated by his eloquence. 

He entered Congress at an auspicious time. His old Colonel, Hayes, 
was then President, and the friendship between them gave him at the 

o 331 



132 McKINLEY AS A CONGRESSMAN. 

start an influence which it might have taken him time to win under other 
circumstancps. But he soon commanded attention for himself. His 
power as a speaker gave him distinction, and his ability as a worker in 
committees was soon recognized. He was re-elected to the Forty-sixth, 
Forty-seventh, Forty-eighth, Forty-ninth, Fiftieth and Fifty-first 
Congresses. 

When his opponents got the Legislature on local issues they added 
a county having a majority against the Kepublicans, and at last he was 
beaten. 

In 1877 Ohio went strongly Democratic, and the Legislature gerry- 
mandered the State so that McKinley found himself confronted by an 
adverse majority of 2,586 in a new district. His opponent was Gen. 
Aquila Wiley, who had lost a leg in the Federal service, and who was a 
worthy man. After a brilliant canvass McKinley was re-elected by a 
majority of 1,234, In ISSO his old district was restored, and he was 
unanimously renominated and elected by a majority of 3,571. In 1888 
he showed ability in opposing the Mills bill, representing approximately 
President Cleveland's policy of "tariff for revenue only." When the 
Kepublicans assumed control in 1SS9 he was appointed chairman of the 
Ways and Means Committee, and presently gave the Nation the great 
measure known as the McKinley bill. 

In 1881 he was a delegate-at-large from Ohio to the National Eepubli- 
can Convention and helped to nominate James G. Blaine. At the next Na- 
tional Convention he represented the State in the same manner, and sup- 
ported John Sherman. At that convention, after the first day's balloting, 
the indications were that McKinley himself might be nominated. Then 
bis high ideas of loyalty and honor showed themselves, for in a stirring 
speech he demanded that no votes be cast for him. 

Then came a period of danger to the rising young Republican of Ohio, 
for there were Eepublicans who feared the tariff issue in the form that 
his nomination would bring it up. He was not afraid of it and won on it. 

In 1891 he was elected governor of Ohio by a majority of about 21,000 
over ex-Governor James E. Campbell, the Democratic candidate. In 1892 
he was again a delegate-at-large to the National Convention at Minneap- 
olis, and was made permanent chairman. Although his name was not 
brought before the convention, yet he received 182 votes. 

In 1893 Major McKinley was re-elected governor of Ohio by a ma- 
jority of 80,995. At the expiration of his term he returned to Canton. 



MoKINLEY AS A CONGRESSMAN. 133 

He had been a political speaker and leader in Congress, known and ad- 
mired tbroughout the country. 

William McKinley and Marcus A. Hanna were from the same part of 
the country. Hanna was the son of a graduate of the great medical school 
at Philadelphia and an orator. Marcus A. Hanna was a business man of 
courage and address and of vast and accurate intelligence. He formed 
the idea of going into politics because he thought business men were 
needed to aid in correctly informing the people; that politics should not 
be left exclusively in the hands of professional politicians. His acquaint- 
ance with McKinley was auspicious, agreeable and honorable to them- 
selves and useful to the country. 

MCKINLEY'S FORCEFUL LOGIC IN DEBATING THE TARIFF QUESTION IX 

CONGRESS. 

President McKinley, during his Congi-essional career, was consid- 
ered one of the cleverest debaters on the Republican side of the House, 
and as the acknowledged champion of the policy of protection was 
frequently brought into verbal conflicts with the Democratic leaders, 
in which his mental quickness and adroitness, combined Avith his thor- 
ough mastery of the subject, enabled him to rout his opponent, and 
almost always to the great amusement of the House. Mr. McKinley 
did not deliberately go gunning for big game in the early days of his 
career to show his skill as a debater. On the contrary, he always 
waited until some of the most distinguished and ready debaters on 
the Democratic side came after him. Then, and not until then, did he 
talk back. Carlisle, Hewitt, Crisp, Morrison, Mills, Wilson, and 
Springer frequently crossed swords with him, and with all of them Mr. 
McKinley more than held his own. 

The readiness displayed upon all occasions by Mr. McKinley in 
answering questions or in turning the tables upon his adversary was 
generally spontaneous, but the most adroit and skillful instance, when 
the Mills bill was under discussion, was undoubtedly premeditated. 
In this particular case Mr. McKinley deliberately led Congressman 
Leopold Morse of Massachusetts into a trap, and then emphasized a 
tariff lesson which made the country laugh, and has never been for- 
gotten by those who witnessed the incident. Mr. Morse had been one 
of the most able lieutenants of Mr. Mills in the latter's assault on the 



134 McKINLEY AS A CONGRESSiMAN. 

tariff, and with Mr. Mills had been intensely concerned at the cost of 
clothes to the laboring man, which, he argued, the Mills bill would 
reduce 100 per cent. To this Mr. McKinlcy replied: 

"Nobody, so far as I have learned, has expressed dissatisfaction with 
the present price of clothing. It is a political objection; it is a party 
slogan. Certainly nobody is unhappy over the cost of clothing, except 
those who are amply able to pay even a higher price than is now 
exacted. • 

"And, besides, if this bill should pass, and the effect would be (as 
it inevitably must be) to destroy our domestic manufactures, the era 
of low prices would vanish, and the foreign manufacturer would com- 
pel the American consumer to pay higher prices than he has been 
accustomed to pay under the 'robber tariff,' so-called. I represent a 
district in which a large majority of the voters are workingmen. I 
have represented them for many years, and I have never had a com- 
plaint from one of them that their clothes were too high. Have you? 
Has any gentleman on this floor met with such complaint in his 
district?" 

Mr. Morse — "They do not buy them of me." 

"No! Let us see. If they had bought of the gentleman from Massa- 
chusetts it would have made no difference, and there could have been 
no complaint. Let us examine the matter." 

Mr. McKinley here produced a bundle containing a suit of clothes, 
which he opened and displayed, amid great laughter and applause. 

"Come, now, will the gentleman from Massachusetts know his own 
goods?" he asked, amid the continued laughter of the House. "We 
recall, Mr. Chairman, that the Committee on Ways and Means talked 
about the laboring man who worked ten dayi# at a dollar a day, and 
then went with his |10 wages to buy a suit of clothes. It is the old 
story. It is found in the works of Adam Smith. I have heard it in this 
House for ten years past. It has served many a free trader. It is the 
old story, I repeat, of the man who gets a dollar a day for his wages, 
and, having worked for the ten days, goes to buy his suit of clothes. He 
believes he can buy it for just |10, but the 'robber manufacturers' have 
been to Congress and have got 100 per cent put upon the goods in the 
shape of a tariff, and the suit of clothes, he finds, cannot be bought for 
|10, but he is asked |20 for it, and so he has to go back to ten days 
more of sweat, ten days more of toil, ten days more of wear and tear of 



lifoKINLEY AS A CONGRESSMAN. 135 

muscle and brain to earn the |10 to purchase the suit of clothes. Then, 
the chairman gTavely asks, is not ten days entirely annihilated? 

"Now, a gentleman who read that speech, or heard it, was so touched 
by the pathetic story that he looked into it and sent me a suit of clothes 
identical with that described by the gentleman from Texas, and he sent 
me also a bill for it, and here is the entire suit, 'robber tariffs and taxes 
and all' have been added, and the retail cost is what? Just flO." 

Again the House broke out into laughter and when it had quieted 
down Mr. McKinley continued: "So the poor fellow does not have to 
go back to work ten days more to get that suit of clothes. He takes 
the suit with him, and pays for it just .flO. But in order that there 
might be no mistake about it, knowing the honor and honesty of the 
gentleman from Massachusetts, Mr. Morse, he went to his store in 
Boston and bought the suit. I hold in my hand the bill." 

Mr. Morse was so disconcerted by the production of the actual suit 
of clothes and the receipt of his own firm in the balls of Congress that 
he had not a word to say, nor had Mr. Mills. The House, on the Demo- 
cratic side, as well as the Kepublican, went into a paroxysm of laughter 
over the manifest discomfiture of the two, after which Mr. McKinley 
concluded his remarks. 

During the tariff debate in the early part of 1SS2 Mr. Hewitt of 
New York was considered one of the ablest and most skillful debaters 
in the House. He was almost as much feared by his own party, the 
Democratic, as he was by the Republican, because, while advocating 
a policy which would mean free trade, he was sufficiently interested in 
one great industry of the country — iron — to realize better than his 
Southern brethren the calamity which would have followed to Ameri- 
can labor and industry had his policy been put in operation. In trying 
to reconcile his somewhat antagonistic views the attention of Mr. 
Hewitt was called to some glaring inconsistencies contained in a speech 
of his and a set of resolutions of which he was the author. He inter- 
rupted Mr. McKinley to explain that in order to preserve the iron and 
steel business we must do it by "a compensatory tariff." It was urged 
by the Democrats that the compensatory tariff was not a protective 
tariff. 

Mr. McKinley yielded to him, and the following dialogue took place: 

Mr. Hewitt — "The compensation required in order to enable tlie 
iron business to exist in this country, as stated in my speech, is that 



136 McKINLEY AS A CONGRESSMAN. 

which provides for the difference paid in the price of labor less the cost 
of transportation." 

Mr. McKinley — "That is the gentleman's resolution?" 

Mr. Hewitt — I have stated that doctrine in my resolution, and I 
adhere to it. 

Mr. McKinley — And yet, in that connection, if the gentleman will 
permit me, he declared in his speech made here the other day, and to be 
found on page 2,436 of the Record: "Wages in this country are therefore 
not regulated by the tariff, because whatever wages can be earned by 
men in the production of agricultural products, the price of which is 
fixed abroad, must be the rate of wages which will be paid substantially 
in every other branch of business." 

Mr. Hewitt — Certainly. 

Mr. McKinley — That is what he said in his speech of but a week ago. 
Yet in the letter from which I have quoted he declared that the only 
need we have of protection is for the purpose of maintaining the rate 
of wages in the United States. 

Mr. Hewitt — As to the iron and steel business and protected indus- 
tries, and in no other. 

Mr. McKinley — What is true of the iron and steel industries is true 
of every other industry that comes in competition with pauper labor 
of Europe — I care not what it is— cotton or wool, pottery or cutlery. If 
we have to compete with the pauper labor of Europe, and with the prod- 
ucts of that labor, we need just as much relative protection in one 
branch of industry as we need in another. 

One of the best hits Mr. McKinley made in debate was during the 
discussion of the Morrison bill. He happened to wind up a sentence 
with this remark; 

"I speak for the workingmen of my district, the workingmen of Ohio 
and of the country." 

It was in the spring of 1883, and Mr. McKinley had been re-elected 
by a majority of only 8. Hence Mr. Springer of Illinois caused a laugh 
on the Democratic side by interjecting at this point: 

"They did not speak very largely for you at the last election." 

The laugh had hardly subsided when Mr. McKinley turned quickly 
aroimd and facing Mr. Springer, said: 

"Ah, my friend, my fidelity to my constituents is not measured by 
the support they give me! I have convictions upon this subject which I 



MoKINLEY AS A CONGRESSMAN. 137 

would not surrender or refrain from advocating if 10,000 majority had 
been entered against me last October; and if that is the standard of po- 
litical morality and conviction and fidelity to duty which is practiced 
by the gentleman from Illinois, I trust that the next House will not do, 
what I know they will not do, make him Speaker of the House. And, I 
trust another thing, that the general remark, interjected here, coming 
from a man who has to sit in the next House, does not mean that he has 
already prejudged my case, which is to come before him as a judge." 

These remarks were greeted with deafening applause from the Re- 
publican side. Even the Democrats enjoyed the plucky Congressman's 
reply to Mr. Springer. 

Mr. McKinley was quite as much feared by Mr. Morrison of Illinois, 
author of the famous "horizontal" bill, in debate, as was Judge Keliey 
of Pennsylvania, who at that time was the most experienced parliamen- 
tarian on the tariff question. In one of Mr. McKinley's debates with 
Mr. Morrison the latter expressed the opinion that his bill would result 
not only in a considerable modification of the tariff, but in a substantial 
reduction. Hardly had these views been expressed when Mr. McKinley 
promptly said: 

"To these opinions we may add the following blunt but frank admis- 
sion by the London Spectator on the 8th of December last : 'Of course the 
North of England holds that American free trade would be greatly to 
the interest of British manufacturers.' 

"And this from the Pall Mall Gazette: 'The progress of the Morrison 
bill will be watched with considerable interest by English exporters to 
the American market, inasmuch as it can hardly fail to tend in their 
favor.' 

"This deep solicitude of our English friends is, of course, unselfish 
and philanthropic; it is all for our benefit, for our good, for our prosper- 
ity. It is disinterested purely and arises from the earnest wish of the 
English manufacturers to see our own grow and prosper. 

"They want this market. It is the best in the world. They cannot 
get it wholly while our tariff remains as at present. They cannot get it 
so long as our manufactures can be maintained. They must bo de- 
stroyed, their fires must be put out, and this Congress is to-day engaged 
in an effort to help England, not America, to build up English manufac- 
tures at the expense of our own." 

Again Mr. McKinley, in the course of debate, said: "My friend from 



138 McKINLEY AS A CONGRESSMAN. 

Illinois seemed to dissent a moment ago when I said there was a differ- 
ence in the rate of wages." 

Mr. Morrison — I did not, sir. There is a great difference in the rate 
of wages in some industries and some difference in all. 

This was the admission Mr. McKinley was anxious to force from the 
opposition, and his response tO' Mr. Morrison was promptly given : "I beg 
the gentleman's pardon. The gentleman from Illinois, in view of the 
statements I have made within the last five minutes, now admits there 
is a difference. I thank him for the frank admission." 

Samuel J. Randall of Pennsylvania was the Democratic Speaker of 
the House when Mr. McKinley entered Congress, and they became warm 
friends. There was one memorable scene in the Fiftieth Congress in 
which both figured, and which conspicuously illustrates the kindly and 
magnanimous nature of Mr. McKinley. It occurred on May 18, 1888, 
the day on which the general debate closed on the Mills bill. Mr. Ran- 
dall opposed this measure and incurred the displeasure of the rampant 
free-trade element, headed by Mr. Mills of Texas. He took the floor to 
speak against this bill. In feeble health, his voice at times almost inau- 
dible, the great leader labored under serious disadvantages in this, his 
first fight for protection. Before he was through his time expired, amid 
cries of "Go on." Mr. Randall asked for an extension, but Mr. Mills, 
with a discourtesy almost incredible, walked to the front of the House 
and said: "I object!" The cry was repeated by nearly fifty Democratic 
members. 

It was a sad sight to see this great Democratic leader thus silenced 
upon a momentous question by his own party friends. There was an ex- 
citing scene. Members and spectators — for the galleries were crowded — 
joined in making the tumult. Amid it all the Speaker announced that 
Mr. McKinley of Ohio had the floor. The latter was to close the debate 
on the Republican side. His desk was piled with memoranda and sta- 
tistics. 

"Mr. Speaker," he cried, and his voice stilled the din about him to 
silence. "I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania out of my time all 
that he may need in which to finish his speech on this bill." 

Cheer after cheer arose from House and galleries, and by the cour- 
tesy of the Republican leader the once leader of the Democracy was en- 
abled to finish his speech in a body over which he had thrice presided as 
Speaker. 



M'oEINLEY AS A CONGRESSMAN. 138 

Without being an orator in the accepted use of that term, Mr. Mc- 
Kinley was one of the most effective of speakers, and in political cam- 
paigns was counted a host in himself. What he lacked in oratorical 
ability was more than atoned for by his earnestness and sincerity, and 
the thorough mastery he had of whatever subject he talked about. In 
addition he had a gift of illustrating his subject by homely yet telling 
similes that at once appealed to his hearers in the most effective manner. 
An illustration of this was furnished in his second gubernatorial cam- 
paign in Ohio. 

At that time Mr. Cleveland and the Democratic party had been in 
control of national affairs for twelve months, and the threatened repeal 
of the McKinley tariff law had brought the country to the verge of bank- 
ruptcy. Mr. McKinley's Democratic opponent for governor was L. T. 
Neal, and the latter in his opening speech of the campaign had declared 
the distress of the country was solely due to the existence of the Mc- 
Kinley law. 

To this Mr. McKinley said, in his opening speech of that campaign: 
"The Democrats say, 'You have still the protective tariff, and should 
blame it for the distress of the countiy.' Yes, but the Democratic party 
is pledged to repeal it, and the man who receives notice that his house 
is about to be demolished does not wait until the dynamite is put under 
it, but moves out his furniture as soon as he can. Now, what will start 
your factories?" 

At this juncture a voice from the audience yelled out : "One hundred 
thousand majority for McKinley in November," and after the uproar 
which greeted this had died away, Mr. McKinley continued: 

"What is a lower tariff for? It is to make it easier for foreign goods 
to get in the United States, to increase competition from abroad. You 
cannot buy goods and make them at home as well. No good farmer 
thinks of having his neighbor's sons do his work when he has half a 
dozen boys at home idle. I do not believe in buying any kind of goods 
abroad that we can make here when we have a million of unemployed 
men at home." 



CHAPTER IX. 

McKINLEY'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 

The Story of the Glory of McKinley's First Administration— How He Bore the Heat and 
Burden of the War, as Well as Inspired the Confidence of the Country and Prepared 
the Boon of Its Prosperity. 

With the exception of Washington and Lincoln, no President of the 
United States found at the beginning of his administration greater re- 
sponsibilities pressing upon him than the President whose re-election 
in the campaign of 1900 will be held one of the remarkable events of the 
nineteenth century, to be held in perpetual remembrance as one of the 
landmarks of distinction at its close, and now that the crowning of his 
career is his marytrdom because he has kept his oath of office, fought the 
good fight and been faithful in all things to the end and left his country 
in a condition of prosperity and with a prestige of power beyond all 
precedent, his glorious and immortal work shines forth in full splendor 
and his figure is with fame and glory ranked with the immortals. 

Washington, as the first President, had to find his way in a new 
'world, and the precedents his acts fixed, many of which now seem very 
simple, almost matters of course, were to him subjects of serious deliber- 
ation and anxious study. Even in affairs of ceremony there was solici- 
tude. There was dignity to be asserted and the forms of Republican 
government to be maintained. The imposing personal presence of 
Washington stood good for individual distinction becoming the great of- 
fice. There was also the habit in the first President of military com- 
mand, the bearing of the soldier, and there was, above all, aversion to 
the imitation of, or concession to, the pompous proceedings in which 
royalties find the disguise that conceals the insignificance of the shows, 
that are to place the "rulers," as the word goes, upon the stage, as show- 
men of a superior sort. The genius of Alexander Hamilton, in taste as 
well as his understanding of that which was becoming to give strength 
to Republican simplicity, was a guidance Washington often summoned 
to his aid. 

Abraham Lincoln was in danger, when elected and about to be inau- 
gurated President of the United States, of assassination on the way 

140 



STORY OF McKINLEY'8 FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 141 

to the National Capital, and the tragedy that came at last would have 
happened at first if it had not been for most intelligent and thorough 
precautions backed by "the faith and honor of the Army of the United 
States," under command of the faithful and honorable General-in-Chief, 
Winfield Scott, who had pledged that faith and honor to the preserva- 
tion of- the City of Mexico in the words we have quoted, in the articles 
of capitulation of that city. The very words are in the terms of the 
surrender of the city of Manila by the Spaniards to Admiral Dewey and 
General Wesley Merritt. 

When William McKinley became President of the United States he 
called Congress in extra session and restored the protective principle 
to tariff legislation. There was screaming by the voices that vociferate 
at this that was the equivalent of shouting murder and mad dogs, but 
prosperity came right on. A golden flood revived the fruitfulness of 
the land. 

Moi'e than once in the course of his lofty career as President, the 
martyred McKinley was weary under the incessant strain, his anxieties 
and labors, his keen sense of responsibility and his unflagging dispo- 
sition to be perfectly informed, but his enthusiasm for duty, and his en- 
joj'ment of work, and abiding sense of fidelity in accomplishing the 
tasks his public obligation imposed, cheered, revived and restored him, 
so that he emerged from the herculean labors of four years firm and 
elastic in health, and each day that brought its burden of exacting ser- 
vice had its compensation in the reward of strength. His reception 
during the campaign of 1896 of tens of thousands of his fellow citizens 
day after day at his home, his consultations with the managers of his 
supporters, severely tested his endurance, and when elected to the great 
office there were a thousand things to think of — the construction of the 
Cabinet one of them — and the rush of office seekers set in with the ac- 
customed zeal and devotion. Instead of getting along easily while it 
was possible to do so, without the presence of Congress, there was no 
time lost in proclaiming the extra session. Then came the war. The 
President was called from his abode at midnight to hear of the massacre 
of the men of the Maine in Havana Harbor. 

The energy of the President throughout the Spanish war was con- 
stant, and the extent and diversity of his occupation were something 
gigantic. He was not only nominally but literally the commander of 
the Army and Navy. Telegrams by the thousand from the fleets and 



142 STORY OF McKINLEY'8 FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 

the armies engaged have all been filed — the most intimate and intricate 
and veracious records of passing history since written, and are accessi- 
ble in the appropriate departments, testifying the pervading presence 
of the President. The State Department was largely in affairs of the 
greatest moment, and of the most intricate complications under his 
direction. He had the inspiration to summon Judge Day, one of his 
oldest personal friends, to apply to the State situation, that abounded 
in delicacies and difficulties, that quality which the President described 
as the peculiar possession of the Judge — his "genius for good sense." 
There is nothing in the work of the State Department in the hands of 
Judge Day that contradicts this estimation of his capacity. The Presi- 
dent was, in a marked degree, personally engaged in the three depart- 
ments that were superheated by the war, and his hand was nigh and firm 
in each. It was the policy of McKinley, when Governor of Ohio, to see 
that when troops were called for to maintain order, men enough should 
be sent to dominate the area of disturbance, so as to leave no doubt 
that the strong arm of the law was strong indeed. He would order up 
regiments that there might be no mistake, when one timid about taking 
such responsibilities would have insisted that companies were sufficient, 
and the accustomed result was that disorder was ended by the moral 
force of arms. This was the way to keep or to restore peace. The same 
principle governed the President during his direction of the national 
forces in war times. He called out numbers abundant for the needs 
of the country. The first thing necessary was to settle the question of 
superiority between the combatants on the seas. The critical ques- 
tion of the conduct of the war arose when Cervera ran the Spanish fleet 
under his command into the harbor of Santiago. That act made that 
harbor and city and surrounding country the seat of war. The question 
to be decided was whether the fight should be risked and rushed with 
the Regulars who could be gathered there, and the few Volunteers ready 
to go with them, or deferred until a great Volunteer army should be 
mustered and equipped, and Havana attacked by land and sea. The 
latter was the purely military idea, but it meant delay, indefinite but 
certainly enormous expenditures, the waste of many lives by fever that 
must be saved if the Spanish forces could be attacked at once, and the 
decision of the course of the war made before the mass of citizens of the 
United States who had volunteered for military service could be con- 
verted into an available, aggressive army. The fight was rushed, and when 



STORY OF McKINLEY'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 143 

the victory was won that made certain the loss of Cuba by Spain, the 
American soldiers who won it found the dreadful scourge of yellow 
fever in their camps; and then the narrowness of the escape from the 
peril of pestilence greater than the dangers of war, was realized by 
the country. In consequence of taking the risk of making the first 
and therefore the greater military operations with a comparatively 
small force, accepting the hazards of great misfortune, the war was 
over before, under the military plans for the siege of Havana, our 
great army of reserve could have been ready to invade Cuba. Peace 
came in August. The great army operations could not have been effected 
until in November, and uncounted millions of money and untold myriads 
of men were saved by the courage at headquarters in the White House 
that overruled the policy of elaboration. The Spanish fleet destroyed, 
our ships, with perfect freedom on the seas, carried the sick soldiers 
from the fever swamps of Cuba to the capes of Long Island that stand 
farthest eastward in the Atlantic breezes and billows. The destruction 
of the Spanish fleet at Manila made certain that the American fleet in 
the Pacific, as well as in the Atlantic Ocean, would retain its supremacy. 
Spain had already lost her fleets and her possessions in the Indies, 
East and West. There were only some details of possession that were 
matters rather of form than of substance left of the war. Spain sued 
for peace. 

If the specifications are called for we point to the fact 
When the study of President McKinley as a war President is pro- 
foundly and competently made there will be revealed historical treasures, 
and the more thoroughly the work of investigation is made the greater 
will be the glory of his administration. He was well acquainted with the 
situation in Cuba, and yet strove for peace. He was as anxious to see 
Spain out of the Americas forever as Pierce, Buchanan and Grant had 
been, and yet he maintained a pacific attitude. He knew well the work- 
ing of the Cuban Literary Bureau at Key West, and how flagrant the 
exaggerations of all that made for war were, and he discounted the stories 
accordingly and for his caution, which was on the same lines President 
Cirant followed, he was arraigned before the people of the United States 
as the foe of freedom and the friend of the perpetuation of Spanisli oppres- 
sion in the West Indies, but he was stable in his equanimity, and was 
taking the part of peace maker when the massacre of the crew of the 
Maine made the war inevitable, and in four months the war was over. 



144 STORY OF McKINLETS FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 

because the President, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, 
gathered our small regular army into a force that, with the aid of the 
foremost volunteers, led by Colonel Roosevelt, won the bloody fights near 
Santiago. The Spanish fleets disappeared under our fire in the Bay of 
Manila, though guarded by shore batteries, and when attempting to flee 
from Santiago harbor. The critical point of the war with Spain was 
whether we should wait before striking a blow at the Spanish army in 
Cuba, four times as numerous all told as our available regulars, until 
the volunteers could be thoroughly equipped and disciplined. The 
greatest act during the war was that which carried Santiago just as the 
yellow fever arrived, and then the sea had been cleared so that our troops, 
rapidly sickening and in peril of perishing in thousands, could be sent 
to our own wholesome shores. No President in peace or war ever 
dominated the Government more positively and effectively than Presi- 
dent McKinley. A tremendous expense of blood and gold, the people's 
precious blood and well-earned money, was saved by the personal act of 
the President in pushing war when war had to be, and peace when it 
could be. On the only day during the war when a check of our arms 
seemed threatened, the wire from Washington was hot with messages that 
no foot of ground should be yielded, that no sacrifice in caution would 
be equal to the loss of taking precautions. The world now knows, the 
highest military authorities in EuroiJe assert the fact, that the regular 
army of the United States was a better body of troops of its numbers 
than could be furnished by the great armed nations. This included the 
war spirit, the fighting style, the personal pride, the reliable marksman- 
ship, the intelligence that causes the soldier to have all care for himself 
until exposure is commanded. As for the movements for peace that were 
pressed, that peace might be swift of wing, as was the fashion of the war, 
the President conducted them, and his hand was recognizable alike in 
Paris and the Philippines. 

At the same time the naval victories at Manila and Santiago and the 
capitulation of the cities were placing our country at the front as a 
war power, the readiness of a great army summoned suddenly from the 
masses of the people gave us prestige as a war power, we were gaining 
victories of peace at home and abroad, and the sum of it all was our arms 
had a uniform career of triumph and our industries yielded a prosperity 
unexampled. 

More than a year before the assassin's pistol closed the career of 



STORY OF McKINLEY'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 145 

McKinley as that of Lincoln was ended, Senator Dolliver uttered these 
cogent and prophetic words : 

•'With such a hand as President McKinley's on the helm of our affairs, 
the nation, troubled and perplexed as seldom before, goes steadily for- 
ward, without doubt or fear in all the great departments of the national 
life. Our leader sits in the executive office surrounded by trusted coun- 
selors, with his eyes on the map of the world and the fixed purpose in his 
heart that neither loss nor harm shall come to our people in any quarter 
of the earth. 

"The time will come and it will not be long delayed, when William 
McKinley will be greeted by all rational mankind as ever faithful, true 
and brave, noble, upright, of perfect probity, of absolute courage as a 
subordinate officer on the battlefield, and as President in the Cabinet. 

"What history will say of him will be worthy to be written in letters of 
gold. 

"The war of this day aud of a few months and two years ago, is 
small comparatively, and far away, but the cause is just, humane, accord- 
ing to the traditions, the events and the dignity of the American nation. 
President McKinley walks in the footsteps of Washington, Jefferson, 
Jackson — of the great line of Presidents of Virginia, Tennessee, Ohio, 
Indiana and Illinois — one does not need to name them — the world knows 
them — and he upholds the standard unstained, and as Webster said, 'full 
high advanced,' of the great republic. 

"He will leave it when he leaves the White House, whenever that is, 
greater and better than he found it." 

Once the cause of the union of the States, and with it the dignity and 
grandeur of the nation, were almost despaired of. This was in 1864. In 
1900 there was a magical change, and it was set forth with the march of 
the grand army through Chicago with such a triumph as Rome never 
gave her legions when she welcomed them from victorious wars. It was 
the celebration of the crowded victories for the cause that Lincoln more 
than any other man personified. 

Look around over this continental country tf>-day to see the monu- 
ments of glory, the mountains of prosperity, the free "life, liberty and 
pursuit of happiness" by people who, in less fime than has elapsed since 
Lincoln left us, will number more than 100,000,000. 

Not since the days when the armies of the Potomac, the Tennessee, the 
Cumberland and the Ohio marched from Virginia across the long br.dge 



146 BTORY OF McKINLEY'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 

before the National Capitol, unfinished but majestic in superb incomplete- 
ness and soon to be crowned by the dome not unworthy to rise among 
the stars — not since the four armies marched up Pennsylvania avenue, 
on their left the unfinished monument of Washington, now the loftiest 
white shaft memorial of a great life that stands on the globe, has a 
grander army marched than that at the grand 1900 review. 

Behold the march continuing by the then unfinished Treasury Depart- 
ment to salute before the White House the President of the United States 
— not, alas, Abraham Lincoln, whose work was done — dead since the 
triumphant return across the Potomac of the Grand Army of the Republic 
— a shining river of steel flowing back from the tremendous scenes of 
cementing the Union with the blood of the brave — the vast columns North 
and West, homeward bound to work of peace — the valiant Confederates 
who had fought against the course of the constellations across the sky, 
included, too, in the general triumph — all countrymen again, since Grant 
and Lee met "near Appomattox with its famous apple tree" and made the 
treaty written by Grant himself to be followed by the benediction of 
the hero, "let us have peace"^never has been a pageant reviving such 
riches of memory, representative of splendid achievement and prophetic 
of the greater hereafter of our country as well as of the magnificent 
present — or one that was so replete with the pathos that tells the sad 
story of glory and kindles the pride of Americans into a flame, that con- 
sumes the Belittlers of the common inheritance that is of the people and 
for them — the heroes of war came home to be heroes of peace, and wel- 
comed those they had confronted on fields where there were two lines of 
fire to the House of the Fathers of the Republic, to stay under the stately 
roof and be at home forever, — for Father Abraham kept sacred in his 
heart and hand the Constitution, and preserved it for all the nation. 
When he was dead those who praised him not knew him not. 

The armies that marched through stately Washington when the war 
was over, redeemed with the plow and the seed that brought golden 
harvest the fields that had been fallow, and North and South a million 
homes were made happy by the returning brave. 

Long may the veterans of the Grand Army have their reunions and 
remember with full hearts those who fell on both sides on the memorable 
fields, where the volleyed thunders scattered in the opposing ranks Death 
and Immortality! Long live the Grand Army of the Republic and green 
and flowery be the graves of the dead, and forget not the story the name 




THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 

Ford's Theatre, Washington, D. C, night of April 14th, 1865. 




THE ESCAPE OF THE ASSASSIN AND THE PANIC OF THE AUDIENCE. 



STORY OF McKINLEY'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 149 

of the Grand Army tells — that it carries the flag and keeps step to the 
music of the Union, that grows grander and more thrilling as the years 
roll away. 

And now we have another martyred President — a war President and 
a President of peace — "peace with honor," and peace with the prosperity 
of the people. The fii-st words that were uttered by the lips of millions 
when they heard of the murder of McKinley were, "My God, how could 
they shoot him down !" How could even the anarchists murder that man, 
with his gentleness, his good will for all men, with the wonders he has so 
mightily wrought for the country and all the people thereof, and so 
broadcast the blessings that some of the seeds of kindness scattered 
brightened millions of humble homes! Whj did not the most depraved 
and deplorable of men spare this man? The dying martyr said, "It is 
God's way," and McKinley and Lincoln will be the chosen figures in our 
history upon whose examples will be fashioned generations of Americans 
into unchangeable patriots and invincible heroes. 

Senator Lodge, of Massachusetts, in taking the gavel as chairman of 
the Philadelphia Convention that nominated McKinley for a second term, 
said the four years of McKinley as President were memorable and "show 
a record of promises kept and work done," and the Senator gave the story 
of the Spanish War in a paragraph : 

"We fought the war with Spain. The result is history known of all 
men. We have the perspective now of only a short two years and yet how 
clear and bright the great facts stand out, like mountain peaks, against 
the sky, while the gathering darkness of a just oblivion is creeping fast 
over the low grounds where lie forgotten the trivial and unimportant 
things, the criticisms and the fault findings which seemed so huge when 
we still lingered among them. Here they are, these great facts : A war 
of a hundred days, with many victories and no defeats, with no prisoners 
taken from us and no advance stayed, with a triumphant outcome 
startling in its completeness and in its world-wide meaning. Was ever 
a war more justly entered upon, more quickly fought, more fully won, 
more thorough in its results? Cuba is free. Spain has been driven 
from the Western hemisphere. Fresh glory has come to our arms and 
crowned our flag. It was the work of the American people, but the 
Republican party was their instrument. Have we not the right to say, 
that here, too, even as in the days of Abraham Lincoln, we have fought a 
good fight, we have kept the faith, we have finished the work?" 



lU 



150 STORY OF McKlNLEY'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 

The supporters of the first administration of McKinley, who nomi- 
nated him for a second term, said of his work done, claimed "Prosperity 
more general and more abundant than we have ever known," and gave 
a specification as an illustration "that while during the whole period 
of one hundred and seven years, from 1790 to 1897, there was an excess of 
exports over imports of only |383,028,497, there has been in the short 
three years of the present Republican administration an excess of exports 
over imports in the enormous sum of |1,483,537,094. 

"No thought of national aggrandizement tarnished the high purpose 
with which American standards were unfurled. It was a war unsought 
and patiently resisted, but when it came the American Government was 
ready. Its fleets were cleared for action. Its armies were in the field, 
and there was quick and signal triumph of its forces on laud and sea, 

"President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the United 
States with distinguished credit to the American people. In releasing 
us from the vexatious conditions of a European alliance for the govern- 
ment of Samoa his course is especially to be commended. By securing to 
our undivided control the most important island of the Samoan gToup 
and the best harbor in the Southern Pacific, every American interest has 
been safeguarded." 

In accepting by the Treaty of Paris the just responsibility of our 
victories in the Spanish War the President and the Senate won the 
undoubted approval of the American people. No other course was pos- 
sible than to destroy Spain's sovereignty throughout the West Indies and 
in the Philippine Islands. That course created our responsibility before 
the world, and with the unorganized population whom our intervention 
had freed from Spain, to provide for the maintenance of law and order, 
and for th(^ establishment of good government and for the performance 
of international obligations. Our authority could not be less than our 
responsibility, and wherever sovereign rights were extended it became 
the high duty of the Government to maintain its authority, to put down 
armed insurrection and to confer the blessings of liberty and civilization 
upon all the rescued peoples. The largest measure of self-government 
consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured to them by 
law. 

To Cuba independence and self-government were assured in the same 
voice by which war was declared, and to the letter this pledge shall be 
performed. 



STORY OF McKlNLEY'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 151 

There -was a very strong muster of forces in 1900 against the continu- 
. ance of the national administration on the lines followed by McKinley. 
In other words, the disposition of the country was to divide, not so con- 
fidingly as usual, as for and against the Government as opponents and 
advocates of the administration. There was no man in the Cabinet who 
had an undue share of public attention. McKinley was dominant, and 
that made the antagonisms of the campaign largely for and against 
McKinley as a personaga The presumption that there was any man 
in the Cabinet, Senate or House who was a power greater than the indi- 
viduality in the great office, was founded on error. When McKinley 
died those who knew him most intimately were the most moved. The 
entire nation knew his character, and more than any President he seemed 
to belong to each and every citizen of the republic. It was his lovable 
nature, his thoughtfulness for others, his consideration of their feelings, 
and his constant desire to aid others, that made him loved. He was 
gentle without lacking in strength, tender without wanting in any atti- 
tude of manliness. He hated to give offense and was pained when any 
one was in sorrow. Such a character is given to few men, such a com- 
bination of strengtli and gentleness, such firmness and thoughtfulness 
for others. He freely forgave those who had offended or misrepresented 
or injured him. He invariably did unto others as he would have them 
do unto him. He was naturally religious and in his life he exemplified 
the teachings of Christianity. After all, the man rather than the magis- 
trate was wounded. He had a place in the hearts of the people of the 
South. There was something in his fellowship, his comradeship that was 
peculiarly pleasing to the people of that section. They knew he was 
a true soldier when first elected, and that he was a real statesman when 
his second presidential campaign was on. Yet had it not been for the 
racial question his support in the Southern States, on the platform of 
the results of his first administration — indeed by the results — would have 
been most formidable. It is a most interesting fact that there were 
more telegrams of affectionate solicitude for the stricken President from 
Texas than from any other State, excepting New York, the State in 
which the assassin fired the fatal shot. As keen regret has been shown 
in the South for the common misfortune as in the North. No President 
since the war has seemed to the Southern people to belong to them abso- 
lutely as William McKinley did. The men and women of the South 
fully appreciated that he had no unpleasant memories of civil strife, 



li.<a," 



152 STORY OF McKIN LEY'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 

but they knew that his ambition, as a patriot who loved his country and 
sought to promote its best interests^ was to wipe out the last signs of the 
sectional division. And the success of his policy of making the South 
as integral a part of the nation in sentiment as it is territorially was 
shown during the war with Spain, and has been emphasized by the general 
grief at his death. He believed that the South would benefit and prosper ; 
that if the people could be divided among the two parties, if principle 
and not prejudice were to guide political questions, it would be better 
for the South and consequently for the entire nation. As a patriot he 
wished to see the South prosper, and he did everything in his power to 
that end. As a man he loved the Southern people and knew them, under- 
stood them better than any man of the North (with here and there a very 
rare exception) who has not resided there. 

It has been said of McKinley's farewell address, for such it will be well 
to call his Buffalo speech, there had been an uncommon inspiration in it. 
This passage, "Let us ever remember that our interest is in concord, not 
in conflict, and that our real eminence rests in the victories of peace, not 
those of war." 

Then came what may be termed his benediction, and that gave the 
clearest light upon the real character of the man whose sudden death 
our country mourns : 

"Our earnest prayer is that God will graciously vouchsafe prosperity, 
happiness and peace to all our neighbors and like blessings to all peoples 
and powers on earth." 

The London Times correspondent cabled, on the day of the assassina- 
tion, before that disaster: 

"Intense interest has been excited throughout the country by Presi- 
dent McKinley's speech at Buffalo yesterday, which is regarded as one 
of the finest speeches he has ever made. The general consensus of opin- 
ion is that, while it represents a great departure from his former attitude 
towards protection, it is not necessarily inconsistent with it." 

There is no doubt President McKinley knew his strength before the 
country, for there were few more careful or experienced observers than 
himself, and in his Buffalo speech he said: 

"The world's products are now exchanged as they never were before, 
and prices are fixed with mathematical precision by the law of supply 
and demand. Isolation is no longer possible or desirable. Trade 
statistics indicate that the country is in a state of unexampled prosperity; 



STORY OF McKINLEY'8 FIRST ADMINISTRATION. 153 

and the figures are almost appalling. That all the people is participating 
in this great prosperity is seen by the unprecedented deposits in the sav- 
ings banks. Our capacity to produce has developed so enormously that 
the problem of more markets requires immediate attention. A system 
which provides for the mutual exchange of commodities is manifestly 
essential. We must not repose in the fancied security that we can for 
ever sell everything and buy little or nothing. Reciprocity is the natural 
outgrowth of our wonderful industrial development. If perchance some 
of our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue or to protect our industries, 
why should they not be employed to extend our markets abroad?" 

This last utterance is an admirably condensed statement of the glory 
won in the first administration. It is scarcely intelligible that the 
elected chief of a State, like President McKinley, should be marked out 
for destruction, when it is certain that, by the automatic operation of 
a democratic system, his place will be taken by a successor, already 
designated by law, with the same authority, and, probably, with a i^restige 
enhanced by the abhorrence which the criminal removal of his forerunner 
must produce. The frame of mind can hardly be conceived in which the 
murder of Mr. McKinley can have presented itself as an object from the 
attainment of which any social or political-advantage was to be derived. 
The President of the United States had lately been elected for a second 
term by an overwhelming majority. He was the spokesman of the opin- 
ions which are in the ascendant througjiout the Union. He had never 
been credited with a masterful or domineering spirit. His fault, indeed, 
had rather been that he had trimmed his sails too closely to the varying 
gales of public opinion and that he had rarely had a policy of his own. 
But this is a criticism to which many statesmen in many countries are 
exposed. Mr. McKinley, at any rate, had had the support of his own 
people and had earned the respect and the esteem of the rest of the world. 



CHAPTER X. 

THE HIGH-WATER MAEK OF AMERICAN PROSPERIT'S. 

«cKinley's Administration Attained It— Let It Be the Policy of All to Maintain It— Tlit 
Apotheosis of Our Martyr President is Instantaneous— He is Already Engraved LpoB 
the Hearts of the People Above Party Strife— Character Study of Garfield and McKinlej 
—The Peacefully Glorious Death of the President Will Be Immortal— The Power ot 
Publicity. 

William McKinley did uot escape the educational experience of su- 
percilious injustice. There were those who always affected to see someone 
else acting with him as friend and master, philosopher and guide, and who 
strained comparisons, and dealt perversely with the records, that they 
might assume their own superiority, and this was because McKinley wae 
not a man of quarrels and was acquainted with grievances that he was too 
serene to trouble himself to contest and resent. His forward march was 
so steady, his advance and elevation so continuous, that the baffled and the 
envious denied him great merit by asserting he was lucky and insinuated 
that somebody dominated him. He was lucky like Grant — he won vic- 
tories^ — and, like the general, he was a winner who did not boast. The 
sword did not devour forever with Grant, and the winnings were pro hono 
publico. McKinley was a growing man all his years, and as President he 
was a marvel of executive capacity, personal industry, and so ready was 
he for great occasions that his command of opportunities was but slowly 
understood and is not yet appreciated. That which he did for peace be- 
fore the war with Spain, and for peace with honor in the Philippines, and 
his sense of justice touching our relations with the East and West Indies, 
aud the Hawaiian group, will, as the whole truth is unfolded, increase 
the reputation of his manhood, the excellence of his statesmanship and the 
comprehension of his subordination of prejudices, and putting aside the 
smaller views that sustain selfishness, that the ideals of international 
policy might be maintained. 

He was a man of good and high fortune, one more fortunate than Lin- 
coln, who fell on the field that none but he could plow, leaving it unfin- 
ished. Lincoln had a glimpse of the great hereafter of the country of which 
he was the savior, as Washington was the father. William Mc- 

IS4 



THE HIGH-WATEB MARK OF PROSPERITY. 155 

Kinley saw the glory of his works. Prosperity to the people had 
come, as he said it would, according to the • very diagrams he drew. 
Already his fame fills the world. In no country outside ours has 
there been ignorance of or indifference for years to the fact that his 
works had given him rank as a man of affairs, surpassing any head of a 
government, and we mav take into account all the nations. Curiously 
enough, the closest approach of those who are well-doing among rulers 
are our two nearest neighbors, the President of Mexico and the Premier of 
the Dominion of Canada, and in saying this we enhance the compliment 
when we mention that we have not forgotten to consider carefully the 
distinction of forcible talent in the Emperor of Germany or the amiable 
and excellent longevity of the Emperor of Austria, who has to deal with 
nearly as many races as we have States. 

Abraham Lincoln has for a long time stood alone before the world as 
the foremost of Americans, leaving undecided whether we should include 
in the scope of the declaration the fathers of the Revolution. There are 
many American citizens still active who remember when Lincoln was held 
to be a partisan, narrow, intense within a limited scope, but a politician 
one-sided and wrong-minded. We omit purposely the teeming carica- 
tures and vindictive epithets with which he was assailed. Now he is 
claimed by all parties. Ko man is more frequently quoted as having held 
doctrines irreconcilable with those of the party to which he was attached. 
The fact is too familiar to be fortified by ready references. It is well that 
all the people now approve Mr. Lincoln. Once upon a time nearly all of 
them were against him. He has compensation for the misleading observa- 
tions that were once so strenuously applied by the misled. Happy the 
land that it knows at last the benignant, the humane, Lincoln, whose war 
papers as we read them now are found full of love for enemies, and be- 
nevolent to those he found making haste on the broad walk to destruction. 

It has not been long — the time is easily counted, but may as well be 
forgotten — when William :McKinley was held by a vast multitude of his 
countrymen as a partisan. These lines are written during this month, 
the opening of which saw him full of strength, looking not backward to 
find that which had been siiid in opposition to his principles, and even in 
unfriendliness to his personality, but his eyes fixed upon the future, and 
in his last speech, his farewell address, he referred with pride to the stu- 
pendous resources of his country, and pointed out the employment that 
should be given the prosperity of the peo[)le. We shall soon find — the 



156 THE HIGH-WATER MARK OF PROSPERITY. 

tokens, the omens of the change are apparent— that McKinley will be 
claimed as a partisan of all parties, as Lincoln is — perhaps, even more 
so. Of course, there are problems to solve, many of them ugly questions 
to meet, even racial troubles to quiet, but the one thing no more disputed 
is our great prosperity. The question remains as to the best division of 
the rewards of toil and attention to business. There will be no lack of 
questions to differ about. 

All the parties cannot take new departures, but there is none that 
might not be improved by a little conformity to the needs of the times. 
We are prosperous. That is patent. The wayfaring man can read it. There 
are varieties of opinion as to what part is played by politics — that is, the 
forces and agencies of the government; how much our soil and climate 
have done, and what should be accomplished as we move on to hold fast 
good times. It will be admitted that McKinley had a share in the prosper- 
ous turn of affairs. We embody in this book two speeches by the late 
President. One when from the front porch of his Canton home he ac- 
cepted the nomination for the presidency for re-election in 1900, and 
called attention to what had been promised if a national administration 
were based upon his principles and in general directed by himself, and he 
proceeded to point out the promises redeemed. 

After his re-election he sent an annual message to Congress, the im- 
mense story of prosperity being calmly stated, and it shows the high-water 
mark of the prosperity of this great and prosperous country. He was 
urged tO' call Congress in extraordinary session, but thought the people 
would profit by a period of repose. He visited the Pacific coast, making 
the journey across the continent by the Southern route, but the illness of 
his wife prevented a public display of his journey home. Naturally he 
took a deep interest in the Pan-American Exposition on the Canadian 
frontier. He and Mrs. McKinley enjoyed their old home for two months. 
They were months that were restful though busy, and his Buffalo speech 
shows that he was thoughtful — meditating on affairs of state. 

It was his last speech, his farewell address, to the people of the United 
States, not in solemn form like that address of Washington, which is so 
well known, but certainly it is a farewell to the people. The tone of it is 
lofty. The temper is that of confident concern, the recommendations 
many, most pointedly put, and this delicate work was done with the cour- 
age of convictions and the emphasis of serious purpose. It is an important 
document, and no doubt it was the design and desire of the late President 



THE HIGH-WATER MARE OF PROSPERITY. 157 

to make it so. The tragedy at Buffalo which gave him the martyr's crown 
imparts a sacredness to his life, aud his death so glorious that his last 
words will be of au interest almost infinite and influential exceedingly. 

It may have the effect of closing some controversies that have been 
continued beyond time. It is fit to serve as documentary in the illumina- 
tion of the transformation scene of the apotheosis. President McKinley 
goes to his grave, his career, though "the red slayer thinks he has slain," 
a success consummate. He was with honor immeasurable, with homage 
beside which royal glories are tattered and tarnished, and he and Lin- 
coln, hand in hand, are lifted up to be remembered, while the cloudy wings 
of millennial epochs expand and fade, and our flag is still there, shining 
over our country, made more precious and stanch by the martyrs to Lib- 
erty and Order, one and inseparable, and the inherited statesmanship 
that will give to the people permanent prosperity, resting upon the tested 
foundation principles, and public sentiment enlightened, that capital and 
labor shall share and share alike as wisdom is given to make fair division 
of the increase. 

Few men have been born with greater endowments than James A. Gar- 
field. One can count upon the fingers of one hand and name all who were 
equal to him in the gifts of intellectual and physical strength. He was 
not an aggressor, a man who quarreled, and there were those so mistaken 
as to regard the absence of personal belligerency in him as declaring a 
lack of spirit. There were a few who were ready to assert that he was 
timid, but who as a soldier proved a courage exceeding that with which 
he led his regiment, sword in hand, in an assault upon an intrenched 
force of Confederate riflemen of numbers about equal to their assailants, 
but this herculean young man, who discarded his coat because it was an 
incumbrance to head a footrace, carried all before him. His audacity did 
not frighten his opponents, but dazed and astonished them, and gave them 
a suggestion of overbearing numbers and they got out of the way. 

At Chickamauga, a field that will be famous forever for valor on both 
sides, proven by an unparalleled percentage of killed and wounded, he 
rode across the country, guided by the sound of the firing that told 
Thomas was still there, and found him, the rock that withstood the 
stormy charges terrible as the hurricanes of the gulf. Garfield had a 
brain of Websterian potentiality and his stature was superior to that of 
Webster, and it may be asked why he did not have the monumental ora- 
tions that ^^'ebster didj why he is not quoted as Webster is. It would be 



158 THE HIGH-WATER MARK OF PROSPERITY. 

a reasonable answer to say no one of our public men is or ever was as 
much quoted as Webster. Of all the members of Congress there is no one 
who approaches "the God-like Daniel," in the use made of his eloquence 
in the Senate and the House. 

But Webster had nearly a. quarter of a century more of life than Gar- 
field, who never saw his fiftieth birthday. If he had not been taken from 
the Senate by his election to the presidency, before he could fill the seat in 
that body to which he had been chosen, and if he could have had the years 
of Webster as Secretary of State and Senator, there would have been 
great works to show. He was so miserably cut down in his strength and 
tortured for two months and two weeks before he was mercifully released, 
that he was largely cheated out of the apotheosis which was his due. He 
was assassinated at the very moment he had cleared the atmosphere of the 
White House and its surrounding of the antagonisms that were unworthy 
those who cultivated them, and basely unjust. That very morning of his 
assassination he thought the ground solid under his feet, felt that he 
had the better of his foes and was going to Western Massachusetts on a 
holiday, and his wife, who had been wasted with illness, had been so re- 
stored as to join him. Since the beginning no human being has died in 
the presence of mankind as President McKinley has done. The nearest 
approach to having the world for an audience as McKinley had was the 
deathbed of Garfield, and in the twenty years that have passed the tele- 
graph wires have been vastly multiplied and extended. The enlightened 
nations have their news from all the great centers of commerce every day, 
indeed, every hour. The intelligence of an occurrence in Europe or North 
America that commands consideration is transmitted without appreciable 
loss of time to Asia and Africa, to the Indies, East and West, to South 
America and Australia. There will be soon a trans-Pacific cable, and al- 
ready the shores of Asia, Africa, and South America are lined with wires. 
There are cables through the Eed Sea and the Mediterranean and Austra- 
lia is connected by wire to Asia, England is in touch with India and all her 
North and South Pacific possessions. President McKinley's assassina- 
tion was known at the ends of the earth in a few hours, and the hopes 
of recovery that for a while prevailed and the relapse that announced a 
fatal termination were known in all the cities hour by hour without re- 
spect to distance, and in a way never before experienced; all men and 
women were beside the deathbed, and the soft, low, whispered words of the 
President were heard over all the wires, and the woes of his invalid wife 



THE HIGH-WATER MARK OF PROSPERITY. 159 

were announced. The shifting scenes of the drama, the varied views of the 
men of science were impressed, approximately as they happened, in all 
lands under the sun. It was this marvel that was so impressive, and the 
words of the dying President, the songs that were sung, the waiting multi- 
tudes pressing near, the prodigious processions, civil and military, the 
story was told as if a play were played upon the stage of the wide world, 
and all the races of man were hearers and spectators, and the judgment of 
all nations has b€en rendered and received everywhere that the character 
of the leader we have lost was one to be commended unreservedly as a 
good example, one who loved and labored for his fellowmen, and that un- 
der the beneficence of the principles the people approved, and through 
the authority they gave for him to open the gates of enterprise, protect the 
rights of labor and the product of industry, there came to the country pros- 
perity, with broader, brighter and grander ways and more ample means for 
the conservation of life, the establishment of liberty and the pursuit of 
happiness than ever before was afforded any people. As the world moves 
now^ we do not have to wait — and it may be forever — to know the destina- 
tions of men and the measurement of events. The world is one theater. 
The light shines down for all and the dramatic action is the history of 
man. 



CHAPTER XI. 

THE SECOND NOMINATION OF THE THIRD MAETYR 
PRESIDENT FOR THE PRESIDENCY. 

The Republican National ConTcntion of 1900 — McKinley's Nomination Seconded by Theodore 
Roosevelt — His Eloquent Words on that Memorable Occasion — Senator Depew's Address 
One of the Features of the CouTention. 

In the Republican National Convention of 1900, when the roll of 
States was called for the nomination of candidates for President, Ala- 
bama yielded to Ohio, and Senator Foraker took the platform, thanked 
Alabama, said that which he had been called to do had been done — 
the temporary and permanent Presidents of the Convention had nom- 
inated McKinley, and so had the reader of the platform — he was the 
universal nominee — as for speaking for the President, the President 
had spoken for himself to the world in events, and four years ago the 
American people confided to him their highest and most sacred trust. 
"Behold with what results! He found the industries of this country 
paralyzed and prostrated; he quickened them with a new life that has 
brought to the American people a prosperity unprecedented in all their 
history. He found the labor of this country everywhere idle; he has 
given it everywhere employment. He found it everywhere in despair; 
he has made it everywhere prosperous and buoyant with hope. He found 
the mills and shops and factories and mines everywhere closed; they 
are now everywhere open. 

"And while we here deliberate, they are sending their surplus prod- 
ucts in commercial conquest to the very ends of the earth. Under his 
wise guidance our financial standard has been firmly planted high 
above and beyond assault. With a diplomacy never excelled and rarely 
equalled, he has overcome what at times seemed to be insurmountable 
difficulties and has not only opened to us the door of China but he has 
advanced our interests in every land. 

"We are not surprised by this, for we anticipated it all. When we 
nominated him at St. Louis four years ago, we knew he was wise, we 
knew he was brave, we knew he was patient, we knew he would be faith- 
ful and devoted, and we knew that the greatest possible triumphs of 
peace would be his; but we then little knew that he would be called upon 

i6o 



THE SECOND NOMINATION. 161 

to encounter also the trials of war. That unusual emergency came. It 
came unexpectedly — as wars generally come. It came in spite of all he 
could honorably do to avert it. It came to find the country unprepared 
for it, but it found him equal to all its extraordinary requirements. 

"And it is no exaggeration to say that in all American history there 
is no chapter more brilliant than that which chronicles, with him as 
our commander-in-chief, our victory on land and sea. In one hundred 
days he drove Spain from the Western Hemisphere, gilded the earth 
with our acquisition and filled the world with the splendor of our power. 
The American name has a new and greater significance now. Our flag 
has a new gloiy. It not only symbolizes human liberty and political 
equality at home, but it means freedom and independence for the long- 
sufl'ering patriots of Cuba, and complete protection, education and 
enlightenment, and ultimate local self-government and the enjoyment 
of all the blessings of liberty to the millions of Porto Rico and the 
Philippines. What we have so gloriously done for ourselves we propose 
most generously to do for them. We have so declared in the platform 
that we have adopted. 

"A fitting place it is for the party to make such a declaration. Here 
in this magnificent city of Philadelphia, where the evidences so abound 
of the rich blessings the Republican party has brought to the American 
people; here at the birthplace of the Nation, where our own Declaration 
of Independence was adopted and our Constitution formed; where Wash- 
ineton and Jefferson and Hancock and John Adams and their illustrious 
associates wrote their immortal work; here, where center so many his- 
toric memories that stir the blood and flush the cheek and excite the 
sentiments of human liberty and patriotism, is indeed a most fitting 
place for the party of Lincoln and Grant and Garfield and Blaine. 

"The party of union and liberty for all men formally dedicates itself 
to this great duty. We are now in the midst of its discharge. We could 
not turn back if we would, and we would not if we could. We are on 
trial before the world and must triumphantly meet our responsibilities 
or ignominiously fail in the presence of mankind. These responsibili- 
ties speak to this convention here and now, and command us that we 
choose to be our candidate and the next President — which is one and 
the same thing — the best fitted man for the discharge of this great duty 
in all the republic. 

"On that point there is no difference of opinion. No man in all the 



162 THE SECOND NOMINATION. 

Nation is so well qualified for this trust as the great leader under whom 
the work has been so far conducted. He has the head, he has the heart, 
he has the special knowledge and the special experience that qualify him 
beyond all others. And he has also the stainless reputation and char- 
acter and has led the blameless life that endear him to his countrymen 
and give to him the confidence, the respect, the admiration, the love and 
the affection of the whole American people. He is an ideal man, repre- 
senting the highest type of American citizenship, an ideal candidate and 
an ideal President. With our banner in his hands it will be carried to 
triumphant victory on November next. 

"In the name of all these considerations, not only on behalf of his 
beloved State of Ohio, but on behalf of every other State and Territory 
here represented, and in the name of all Republicans everywhere 
throughout our jurisdiction, I nominate to be our next candidate for 
the presidency, William McKinley." 

The ringing speech of the Senator moved the enormous audience. 
The standards of the States were paraded, the band played the airs 
of fame and glory. Senator Hanna led the applause on the platform, 
and for a quarter of an hour business was suspended. 

Governor Roosevelt took the platform to second the nomination of 
McKinley, and there was wild shouting "Roosevelt, Roosevelt," and 
these expressions were mingled with "Teddy, Teddy, Teddy." The Kan- 
sas folksy who were close to the rostrum, roared out "He's a dandy." 

Governor Roosevelt waited patiently, but the greeting did not come 
to an end until he raised his right hand and waved his indication that 
he would like to be heard. His wishes were respected. 

The Governor said: 

"Mr. Chairman — I rise to second the nomination of William McKin- 
ley, the President who has had to meet and solve problems more numer- 
ous and more important than any other President since the days of 
mighty Abraham Lincoln; the President under whose administration 
this country has attained a higher pitch of prosperity at home and honor 
abroad than ever before in its history. Four years ago the Republican 
party nominated William McKinley as its standard bearer in a political 
conflict of graver moment to the Nation than any that had taken place 
since the close of the Civil War saw us once more a united country. 
The Republican party nominated him, but before the campaign was 
many days old he had become the candidate not only of all Republicans, 



THE i^ECOND NOMINATION. 163 

but of all Americaus who were both far-sighted enough to see where 
the true interests of the eounti-y lay, and clear-minded enough to be 
keenly sensitive to the taiut of dishonor. President McKinley was 
triumphantly elected on certain distinct pledges, and those pledges have 
been made more than good. 

"We were then in a condition of industrial paralysis. The capitalist 
was plunged in ruin and disaster; the wage-worker was on the edge 
of actual want; the success of our opponents would have meant not 
only immense aggravation of the actual physical distress, but also a 
stain on the Nation's honor so deep that more than one generation 
would have to pass before it would be effectually wiped out. We prom- 
ised that if President McKinley were elected not only should the 
national honor be kept unstained at home and abroad, but that the mill 
and the workshop should open, the farmer have a market for his goods, 
the merchant for his wares, and that the wage-worker should prosper 
as never before. 

"We did not promise the impossible; we did not say that by good 
legislation and good administration there would come prosperity to all 
men; but we did say that each man should have a better chance to win 
prosperity than he had ever jet had. In the long run, the thrift, indus- 
try, energy and capacity of the individual must always remain the chief 
factors in his success. By unwise or dishonest legislation or adminis- 
tration on the part of the National authorities all these qualities in the 
individual can be nullified; but wise legislation and upright adminis- 
tration will give them free scope. And it was this free scope that we 
promised should be given. 

"Well, we kept our word. The opportunity has been given, and it 
has been seized by American energy, thrift and business enterprise. 
As a result we have prospered as never before,and we are now prospering 
to a degree that would have seemed incredible four years ago, when the 
cloud of menace to our industrial well-being hung black above the land. 

"So it has been in foreign affairs. Four years ago the Nation was 
uneasy because right at our doors an American island lay writhing in 
awful agony under the curse of worse than mediteval tyranny and mis- 
rnlo. We had our Armenia at our very doors, for the situation in Cuba 
had grown intolerable, and such that this Nation could no longer refrain 
from interference, and retain its own self respect. President McKinley 
turned to this duty as he had turned to others. He sought by every 



164 THE SECOND NOMINATION. 

effort possible to provide for Spain's withdrawal from the island which 
she was impotent longer to do aught than oppress. Then when pacific 
means had failed, and there remained the only alternative, we waged 
the most righteous and brilliantly successful foreign war that any coun- 
try has waged during the lifetime of the present generation. It was not 
a great war, simply because it was won too quickly; but it was momen- 
tous indeed in its effects. It left us, as all great feats must leave those 
who perform them, an inheritance both of honor and of responsibility; 
and under the lead of President McKinley the Nation has taken up the 
task of securing orderly liberty and the reign of justice and law in 
the islands from which we drove the tyranny of Spain, with the same 
serious realization of duty and sincere purpose to perform it, that has 
marked the national attitude in dealing with the economic and financial 
difficulties that face us at home. 

"This is what the Nation has done during the three years that have 
elapsed since we made McKinley President, and all this is what he 
typifies and stands for. We here nominate him again, and in November 
next we shall elect him again; because it has been given to him to per- 
sonify the cause of honor abroad and prosperity at home, of wise legis- 
lation and straightforward administration. We all know the old adage 
about swapping horses while crossing a stream, and the still older 
adage about letting well enough alone. To change from President 
McKinley now would not be merely to swap horses. It would be to 
jump off the horse that had carried us across, and wade back into the 
torrents; and to put him for four years more into the White House 
means not merely to let well enough alone, but to insist that when we 
are thriving as never before we shall not be plunged back into an abyss 
of shame and panic and disaster. 

"We have done so well that our opponents actually use this very 
fact as an appeal for turning us out. We have put the tariff on a foun- 
dation so secure; we have passed such wise laws on finance, that they 
actually appeal to the patriotic, honest men who deserted them at the 
last election to help them now; because, forsooth, we have done so well 
that nobody need fear their capacity to undo our work! I am not 
exaggerating. This is literally the argument that is now addressed to 
the Gold Democrats as a reason why they need no longer stand by the 
Kepublican party. To all such who may be inclined to listen to these 
specious arguments, I would address an emphatic word of warning. 




VIEWING LINCOLN'S REMAINS. 

City Hall, New York City. 



THE SECOND NOMINATION. 167 

Remember that, admirable though our legislation has been during the 
past three years, it has been rendered possible and effective only because 
there was a good Administration to back it. 

"Wise laws are invaluable; but, after all, they are not as necessary as 
wise and honest administration of the laws. The best law ever made, 
if administered by those who are hostile to it, and who mean to break 
it down, cannot be wholly effective, and may be wholly ineffective. We 
have at last put our financial legislation on a sound basiSj'but no possi- 
ble financial legislation can save us from fearful and disastrous panic if 
we trust our finances to the management of any man who would be 
acceptable to the leaders and guides of the Democracy in its present 
spirit. No Secretary of the Treasury who would be acceptable to, or who 
could without loss of self respect serve under, the Populistic Democracy, 
could avoid plunging this countrj- back into financial chaos. Until our 
opponents have explicitly and absolutely repudiated the principles 
which in '96 they professed, and the leaders who embody these princi- 
ples, their success means the undoing of the country. Nor have they 
any longer even the excuse of being honest in their folly. 

"They have raved, they have foamed at the mouth, in denunciation 
of trusts, and, now, in my own State, their foremost party leaders, in- 
cluding the man before whom the others bow with bared head and 
trembling knee, have been discovered in a trust which really is of infa- 
mous, and perhaps of criminal character, a trust in which these apostles 
of Democracy, these prophets of the new dispensation, have sought to 
wring fortunes from the dire need of their poorer brethren. 

"I rise to second the nomination of William McKinley because with 
him as a leader this country has trod the path of national greatness and 
prosperity with the strides of a giant, and because under him we can 
and will once more and finally overthrow those whose success would 
mean for the Nation material disaster and moral disgrace. Exactly as 
we have remedied the evils which in the past we undertook to remedy, 
so now, when we say that a wrong shall be righted, it most assuredly 
will be righted. 

"We have nearly succeeded in bringing peace and order to the Phil- 
ippines. We have sent thither, and to the other islands toward whose 
inhabitants we now stand as trustees in the cause of good government, 
men like Wood, Taft and Allen, whose very names are synonyms of 
integrity and guarantees of efficiency. Appointees like these, with sub- 

10 



168 THE SECOND NOMINATION. 

ordinates chosen on grounds of merit and fitness alone, are evidence 
of the spirit and methods in and by which this Nation must approach 
its new and serious duties. Contrast this with what would be the fate 
of the islands under the spoils system so brazenly advocated by our 
opponents in their last national platform. 

"The war still goes on because the allies in this country of the bloody 
insurrectionary oligarchy have taught their foolish dui^es abroad to 
believe that if the rebellion is kept alive until next November, Demo- 
cratic success at the polls here will be followed by the abandonment of 
the islands — that means their abandonment to savages who would 
scramble for what we desert until some powerful civilized nation stepped 
in to do what we would have shown ourselves imfit to perform. Our 
success in November means peace in the islands. The success of our 
political opponents means an indefinite prolongation of misery and blood- 
shed. We of this convention now renominate the man whose name is 
a guarantee against such disaster. When we place William McKinley 
as our candidate before the people we place the Republican party on 
record as standing for the performance which squares with the promise, 
as standing for the redemption in administration and legislation of the 
pledges made in the platform and on the stump, as standing for the 
upbiailding of the national honor and interest abroad and the continu- 
ance at home of the prosperity which it has already brought to the farm 
and the workshop. 

"We stand on the threshold of a new century, a century big with the 
fate of the great nations of the earth. It rests with us now to decide 
whether in the opening years of that century we shall march forward to 
fresh triumphs, or whether at the outset we shall deliberately cripple 
ourselves for the contest. Is America a weakling, to shrink from the 
world work that must be done by the world powers? No! The young 
giant of the West stands on a continent and clasps the crest of an ocean 
in either hand. Our Nation, glorious in youth and strength, looks into 
the future with fearless and eager eyes and rejoices as a strong man to 
run a race. We do not stand in craven mood, asking to be spared the 
task, cringing as we gaze on the contest. No! We challenge the proud 
privilege of doing the work that Providence allots us, and we face the 
coming years high of heart and resolute of faith that to our people is 
given the right to win such honor and renown as has never yet been 
granted to the peoples o- mankind." 



TEE SECOND NOMINATION. 169 

Koosevelt's speech was excellent, persuasive, commanding— full of 
the manliness that speaks with irresistible force. It was an hour made 
passionate by the living presence of the memorable 

Senator Depew was not on the programme for a speech, but was called 
out, and when he tried to stop, was commanded to go on. ' 

The new story: 

"We stand in the presence of eight hundred millions of people with 
the Pacific as an American lake, and the American artisan producing 
better and cheaper goods than any country in the world, and, my friends, 
we go to American labor and to the American farm, and say that, with 
McKinley for another four years, there is no congestion for America. 
Let invention proceed, let i^roduction go on, let the mountains bring 
forth their treasures, let the factories do their best, let labor be employed 
at the highest wages, because the world is ours, and we have con- 
quered it by Republican principles and by Republican persistency in the 
principles of American industry and of America for Americans. 

"You and I, my friends- — you from New England with all its culture 
and its coldness, and you from the Middle West who, starting from 
Ohio, and radiating in every direction, think you are all there is of it; 
you from the West, who produce on this platform a product of New 
England transformed to the West through New York, that delivered 
the best presiding officer's speech in oratory and all that makes up a 
great speech that has been heard in many a day in any convention in 
this country. It was a glorious thing to see the fervor of the West 
and the culture and polish of New England giving us an ammunition 
wagon from which the spellbinder everywhere can draw the powder to 
ehoot down opposition East and West and North and South. 

"Many of you I met in convention four years ago. We all feel what 
little men we were then compared with what we are to-day. There is 
not a man here that does not feel four hundred per cent bigger in 1900 
than he did in 1S9G, bigger intellectually, bigger hopefully, bigger patri- 
otically, bigger in the breast from the fact that he is a citizen of a 
country that has become a world power for peace, for civilization and for 
the expansion of its industries and the products of its labor. 

"We have the best ticket ever presented. We have at the head of it 
a Western man with Eastern notions, and we have at the other end an 
Eastern man with Western cliaractor, the statesman and the cowboy, 
the accomplished man of affairs and the heroic fighter. The man who 



170 THE SECOND NOMINATION. 

has proved great as President, and the fighter who has proved great 
as Governor. We leave this old town simply to keep on shouting and 
working to make it unanimous for McKinley and for Roosevelt. 

"There was a lady with her husband in Florida last winter. He a 
consumptive and she a stx'enuous and tumultuous woman. Her one 
remark was, as they sat on the piazza, 'Stop coughing, John.' 

"John had a hemorrhage. The doctor said he must stay in bed six 
weeks. His tumultuous wife said: 'Doctor, it is impossible. We are 
traveling on a time limited ticket, and we have got several more places 
to go to.' So she cai'ried him off. The next station they got to the 
poor man died, and the sympathetic hotel proprietor said: 'Poor 
madam, what shall we do?' She said: 'Box him up. I have got a time- 
limited ticket and several more i)laces to go to.' Now, we buried 16 to 1 
in 1896. We put a monument over it weighing as many tons as the 
Sierra Nevada, when gold was put into the statutes by a Eepublican 
Congress and the signature of William McKinley. 

"I recall that two years ago to-day as many men as there are men 
and women in this great hall were on board sixty transports lying off 
Santiago Harbor in full view of the bay with Morro Castle looming up 
upon the right and another prominence upon the left with the opening 
of the channel between. On board those transports were twenty thou- 
sand soldiers that had gone away from our shores to liberate another 
race, to fulfill no obligation but that of humanity. 

"On the ship Yucatan was that famous regiment of Rough Riders 
of the far West and the Mississippi Valley. In command of that regi- 
ment was that fearless young American, student, scholar, plainsman, 
historian, statesman, soldier, of the Middle West by adoption, of New 
York by birth. That fleet sailing around the point, coming to the place 
of landing, stood off the harbor, two years ago to-morrow, and the navy 
bombarded that shore to make a place for landing, and no man who 
lives, who was in that campaign as an officer, a§ a soldier or as a camp 
follo^wer, can fail to recall the spectacle; and, if he closes his eyes he 
sees the awful scenes in that campaign in June and July, 1898. There 
were those who stood upon the shore and saw these indomitable men 
landing in small boats through the waves that dashed against the shore, 
landing without harbor, but land they did, with their accoutrements on, 
and their weapons by their sides. And those who stood upon that shore 
and saw these men come on thought they could see in their faces: 



THE SECOND NOMINATION. 171 

" 'Stranger, can you tell me the nearest road to Santiago?' That is 
the place they were looking for. And the leader of one of those regi- 
ments in that campaign shall be the name that I shall place before this 
convention for the office of Vice-President of the United States." 

Senator Depew's speech, which was not on the program, but can not 
be omitted from the history of the Convention, seconding the nomination 
of Governor Koosevelt, was one of the features of the Convention. Ilis 
character and career sketches of McKinley and Koosevelt were irresist- 
ibly fetching. This was in the best possible form. 

"McKinley, a .young soldier, and coming out a major; McKinley, a 
Congressman, and making a tariff; McKinley, a President, elected 
because he represented the protection of American industries, and 
McKinley, after four years' development, in peace, in war, in prosperity 
and in adversity, the greatest President save one or two that this 
country ever had, and the greatest ruler in Christendom to-day. So 
with Colonel Roosevelt — we call him Teddy. 

'•He was the child of New York, of New York City, the place that you 
gentlemen from the West think means 'coupons, clubs and eternal 
damnation for every one.' Teddy, this child of Fifth avenue — he was 
the child of the clubs; he was the child of the exclusiveness of Harvard 
College, and he went West and became a cowboy; and then he went into 
the Navy Department and became an assistant secretary. 

"He gave an order, and the old chiefs of bureaus came to him and 
said: 'Whj', Colonel, there is no authority and no requisition to burn 
this powder.' 'Well,' said the Colonel, 'we have got to get ready when 
war comes, and powder was manufactured to be burned.' And the burn- 
ing of that powder sunk Cervera's fleet outside of Santiago Harbor, and 
the fleet in Manila Bay. 

"At Santiago a modest voice was heard, exceedingly polite, addressing 
a militia regiment, lying upon the ground, while the Spanish bullets 
were flying over them. This voice said: 'Get one side, gentlemen, 
please, one side, gentlemen, please, that my men can get out.' And 
when this polite man got his men out in the open, where they could 
face the bayonet and face the bullet, there was a transformation, and 
the transformation was that the dude had become a cowboy, the cowboy 
had become a soldier, the soldier had become a hero, and rushing up 
the hill, pistol in hand, the polite man shouted to the militiamen lying 
down: 'Give them hell, boys. Give them hell.'" 



CHAPTER XII. 

THE CAMPAIGN OP 1900. 

McKinley's Ohio Home — His Notification at Canton of His Nomination for a Second Term «) 
the Presidency — The Significance and Scenery of the Event — The Twenty-fifth Fresident'i 
Speech Accepting His Second Nomination and Reviewing the Promises His Adminis- 
tration Redeemed. 

Notification day brought to the home of President McKinley, the 
brick-paved, maple-treed, shaded city of homelike beauty. Canton, Ohio, 
delegations from surrounding towns, including some thousands of men 
from the shops. The farmers left their fields to go to see Canton once 
more as it was in the brave days of '96. Again the national airs were 
resonant; the processions moved, the carriages and horsemen were 
heard on the clean brick pavements — the streets were crowded about the 
McKinley home, and the turf of the pretty front yard was trampled once 
more by enthusiasts whose irrepressible enthusiasm was irresistible. 
Again was heard the voice so familiar in other years, silent under the 
strain of surpassing reponsibilities; and now the words spoken were 
those of the Chief Magistrate of one of the great Powers of the world, 
and would be of interest and importance to all nations of the earth, 
and his audience waited far beyond the shady streets, the handsome and 
tidy homes and the green fields of Ohio, in the great cities of the land, 
the superb capitals of Europe, and beyond the ancient walls of Asia. 

It is the fashion on such occasions as that of the notification of 
President McKinley of the action of the Philadelphia Convention, that 
he shall be advised some days in advance in that which is to be said 
in the address of announcement, that no point may be neglected; and 
there was evidence in the address by Senator Lodge and the President's 
reply, that they were in close sympathy and hatmony, entirely under- 
standing the situation and themselves. The two speeches were as one, 
for there was a single purpose, and through two utterances there was a 
dominant characteristic — that of frank language. There was not only 
no "scuttle," but no evasion, no slighting. There was simple, clear, sin- 
cere, strong business talks, going into all the great state subjects thor- 
oughly. There was in the President's speech the ring of understanding 

172 



'.,tv'.l',Ui\itiruMlMli . 



TEE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 173 

that he was master of the sitiuitiou, for he had told the people the truth 
aud gained their confidence, and was conscious of the splendor of their 
response. In what was said of all the great questions there are no 
double meanings. The latest of the new problems, — that of China, — 
was treated in as plain spoken a way as were the Philippines. Follow- 
ing the President came Senator Fairbanks, who gave the keynote on 
the silver question; Senator Hanna, who called upon all men to do their 
duty; Postmaster-General Smith, who gave a brief, but profound analy- 
sis of the illusions of the Democratic party; Senator Lodge once more, 
this time informally and with refreshing effect, and the representative 
from Hawaii. The substance of the speaking was the prominent pre- 
sentation of the fact that the policy of the Opposition was further strife 
to unsettle the standard of value aud take backward and downward 
steps as to the character of money and the elevation of credit; and the 
certainty that the advance points of "Republican progress fairly won are 
to be maintained at all hazards and against all comers with a point- 
blank fire. 

The address of Senator Henry Cabot Lodge at the McKinley home, 
formally notifying the President of his nomination, follows: 

Mr. President: — This committee, representing every state in the 
Union, and the organized territories, of the United States, was duly ap- 
pointed to announce to you, formally, your nomination by the Repub- 
lican National Convention, which met in Philadelphia on June 19 last, 
as the candidate of the Republican party for President of the United 
States for the term beginning March 4, 1901. To be selected by the 
Republican party as their candidate for this great office is always one 
of the highest honors which can be given to any man. This nomina- 
tion, however, comes to you, sir, under circumstances which give it a 
higher significance and make it even a deeper expression of honor and 
trust than usual. You were nominated unan mously at Philadelphia. 
You received the unforced vote of every delegate, from every state and 
every territory. 

The harmony of sentiment which appears on the face of the result 
was but the reflection of the deeper harmony which existed in the hearts 
and minds of the delegates. Without friction, without dissent, with 
profound satisfaction and eager enthusiasm you were nominated for 
the Presidency by the united voice of the representatives of our great 
party, in which there is neither sign of division nor shadow of turning. 



174 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 

Such unanimity, always remarkable, is here the more impressive, be- 
cause it accompanies a second nomination to the great office which you 
have held for four years. It is not the facile triumph of hope over ex- 
perience, but the sober approval of conduct and character tested in 
many trials and tried by heavy and extraordinary responsibilities. 

With the exception of the period in which Washington organized the 
Nation and built the state, and of those other awful years when Lincoln 
led his people through the agony of civil war and saved from destruction 
the work of Washington, there has never been a Presidential term in 
our history so crowded with great events, so filled with new and mo- 
mentous questions, as that which is now drawing to its end. 

True to the declarations which were made at St. Louis in 1896, you, 
sir, united with the Republicans in Congress in the reunion of the tariff 
and the re-establishment of the protective policy. You maintained our 
credit and upheld the gold standard, leading the party by your advice 
to the passage of the great measure which is today the bulwark of both. 
You led again the policy which has made Hawaii a possession of the 
United States. On all these questions you fulfilled the hopes and justi- 
fied the con£dence of the people, who four years ago put trust in our 
promises. But on all these questions, also, you had as guides, not only 
your own principles, the well considered results of years of training and 
reflection, but, also, the plain declarations of the National Convention 
which nominated you in 1896. Far different was it when the Cuban 
question, which we had promised to settle, brought first war and then 
peace, with Spain. Congress declared war, but you, as Commander-in- 
Chief, had to carry it on. You did so and history records unbroken vic- 
tory from the first shot of the "Nashville" to the day when the protocol 
was signed. The peace you had to make alone, Cuba, Porto Eico, the 
Philippines. You had to assume alone the responsibility of taking them 
all from Spain. Alone, a ad weighted with the terrible responsibility of 
the unchecked war powers of the constitution,you were obliged to govern 
these islands, and to repress disorder and rebellion in the Philippines. 
No party creed defined the course you were to follow. Courage, fore- 
sight, comprehension of American interests, both now and in the un- 
charted future, faith in the American people and in their fitness for 
great tasks were then your only guides and counsellors. 

Thus, you framed and put in operation this great new policy which 
has made us at once masters of the Antilles and a great eastern power, 



THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 175 

holding firmly our possessions on both sides of the Pacific. The new 
and strange ever excite fear, and the courage and prescience which 
accept them always arouse criticism and attack. Yet a great departure 
and a new policy were never more quickly justified than those under- 
taken by you. On the possession of the Philippines rests the admirable 
diplomacy which warned all nations that American trade was not to be 
shut out from China. It is to Manila that we owe the ability to send 
troops and ships in this time of stress to the defense of our ministers, 
our missionaries, our consuls and our merchants in China, instead of be- 
ing compelled to leave our citizens to the casual protection of other pow- 
ers, as would have been unavoidable, had we flung the Philippines away 
and withdrawn from the Orient. 

Best assured, sir, that the vigorous n^easure which you have thus 
been enabled to take, and that all further measures in the same direc- 
tion which you may take, for the protection of American lives and prop- 
erty, will receive the hearty support of the people of the United States, 
who are now, as always, determined that the American citizen shall be 
protected at any cost in all his rights, everywhere, and at all times. It 
is to Manila again, to our fleet in the bay and our army on the land, that 
we shall owe the power, when these scenes of blood in China are closed, 
to exact reparation, to enforce stern justice, and to insist, in the final 
settlement, upon an open door to all that vast market for our fast 
growing commerce. 

Events, moving with terrible rapidity, have been swift witnesses to 
the wisdom of your action in the east. The Philadelphia Convention 
has adopted your policy both in the Antilles and the Philippines and 
has made it their own and that of the Kepublican party. 

Your election, sir, next November assures to us the continuance of 
that policy abroad and in our new possessions. To entrust these diffi- 
cult and vital questions to other hands, at once incompetent and hostile, 
would be a disaster to us and a still more unrelieved disaster to our 
posterity. 

Your election means not only protection to our industries but the 
maintenance of a sound currency and of the gold standard, the very 
cornerstone of our economic and financial welfare. Should these be 
shaken, as they would be by the success of our opponents, the whole 
fabric of our business confidence and prosperity would fall to ruin. 
Your defeat would bo the signal of the advance of the free trade, for the 



176 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 

anarchy of a debased and unstable currency, for business panic, de- 
pression and hard times and for the wrecli of our foreign policy. Your 
election and the triumph of the KepuMican party — ^which we believe 
to be as sure as the coming of the day — will make certain the steady 
protection of our industries, sound money, and a vigorous and intelli- 
gent foreign policy. They will continue those interests of the govern- 
ment and wise legislation so essential to the prosperity and well being 
which have blessed our country in such abundance during the past four 
years. 

Thus announcing to you, sir, your nomination as the Republican can- 
didate, we have the honor also to submit to you the declaration of prin- 
ciples made by the National Convention, which, we trust, will receive 
your approval. We can assure you of the faithful and earnest support 
of the Republican party in every state, and we beg you to believe that 
we discharge here today, with feelings of the deepest personal gratifica- 
tion, this honorable duty imposed upon us by the convention. 

President McKinley, responding to Senator Lodge, said: 

Senator Lodge and Gentlemen of the Notification Committee: 

The message which you bring to me is one of signal honor. It is also 
a summons to duty. A single nomination for the office of President by 
a great party which in thirty-two years out of forty has been triumph- 
ant at National elections, is a distinction which I gratefully cherish. 
To receive a unanimous re-nomination by the same party is an expres- 
sion of regard and a pledge of continued confidence for which it is dif- 
ficult to make adequate acknowledgment. 

If anything exceeds the honor of the office of President of the United 
States, it is the responsibility which attaches to it. Having been in- 
vested with both, I do not under-appraise either. 

Anyone who has borne the anxieties and burdens of the Presidential 
office, especially in time of National trial, cannot contemplate assuming 
it a second time without profoundly realizing the severe exactions and 
the solemn obligations which it imposes, and this feeling is accentuated 
by the momentous problems which now press for settlement. If my 
countrymen shall confirm the action of the convention at our National 
election in November, I shall, craving Divine guidance, undertake the 
exalted trust, to administer it for the interest and honor of the country, 



TEE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 177 

and the well beiug of the new peoples who have become the objects of 
our care. The declaration of principles adopted by the convention has 
mj hearty approval. At some future date I will consider its subjects 
in detail and will by letter communicate to your chairman a more formal 
acceptance of the nomination. 

On a like occasion four years ago, I said: 

"The party that supplied by legislation the vast revenues for the 
conduct of our greatest war; that promptly restored the credit of the 
countrj' at its close; that from its abundant revenues paid off a large 
share of the debt incurred by this war, and that resumed specie pay- 
ments and placed our paper currency upon a sound and enduring basis, 
can be safely trusted to preserve both our credit and currency, with 
honor, stability and inviolability. The American people hold the finan- 
cial honor of our government as sacred as our flag, and can be relied 
upon to guard it with the same sleepless vigilance. They hold its 
preservation above party fealty, and have often demonstrated that party 
ties avail nothing when the spotless credit of our country is threatened. 

«» » « rpjjg dollar ijaid to the farmer, the wage-earner, and the 
pensioner must continue forever equal in purchasing and debt -paying 
power to the dollar paid to any government creditor. 

"* * * Our industrial supremacy, our productive capacity, our 
business and commercial prosperity, our labor and its rewards, our Na- 
tional credit and currency, our proud financial honor and our splendid 
free citizenship, the birthright of every American, are all involved in 
the pending campaign, and thus every home in the land is directly and 
intimately connected with their proper settlement. 

"* » * Our. domestic trade must be won back and our idle work- 
ing people employed in gainful occupations at American wages. Our 
home market must be restored to its proud rank of first in the world, and 
our foreign trade, so precipitately cut off by adverse national legislation, 
reopened on fair and equitable terms for our surplus agricultural and 
manufacturing products. 

«• • * Public confidence must be resumed and the skill, energy 
and the capital of our country find ample employment at liome. 

" ♦ ♦ * The government of the United States must raise money 
enough to meet both its current expenses and increasing needs. Its rev- 
enues should be so raised as to protect the material interests of our peo- 
ple, with the lightest possible drain upon their resources and maintain- 



178 THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 

ing that high standard of civilization which has distinguished our coun- 
try for more than a century of its existence. 

"* * * The national credit, which has thus far fortunately re- 
sisted every assault upon it, must and will be upheld and strengthened. 
If sufficient revenues are provided for the support of the government 
there will be no necessity for borrowing money and increasing the public 
debt." 

Three and one-half years of legislation and administration have been 
concluded since these words were spoken. Have those to whom was con- 
fided the direction of the government kept their pledges? The record is 
made up. The people are not unfamiliar with what has been accom- 
plished. The gold standard has been reaffirmed and strengthened. The 
endless chain has been broken and the drain upon our gold reserve no 
longer frets us. The credit of the country has been advanced to the 
highest place among all nations. We are refunding our bonded debt, 
bearing three and four and five per cent interest, at two per cent, a lower 
rate than that of any other country, and already more than three hun- 
dred millions have been so funded, with a gain to the government of 
many millions of dollars. Instead of 16 to 1, for which our opponents 
contended four years ago, legislation has been enacted which, while 
utilizing all forms of our money, secures one fixed value for every dollar 
and that the best known to the civilized world. 

A tariff which protects American labor and industry and provides 
ample revenues has been written in public law. We have lower interest 
and higher wages ; more money and fewer mortgages. ' The world's mar- 
kets have been opened to American products, which go now where they 
have never gone before. We have passed from a bond-issuing to a bond- 
paying nation ; from a nation of borrowers to a nation of lenders ; from a 
deficiency in revenue to a surplus ; from fear to confidence ; from en- 
forced idleness to profitable employment. The public faith has been 
upheld ; public order has been maintained. We have prosperity at 
home and prestige abroad. 

Unfortunately the threat of 1896 has just been renewed by the allied 
parties without abatement or modification. The gold bill has been de- 
nounced and its repeal demanded. The menace of 1 6 to 1 . therefore, still 
hangs over us with all its dire consequences to credit and confidence, to 
business and industry. The enemies of sound currency are rallyingtheir 



• :.hiifi.i !:,k-tJiltiliSim^ll»iM', 



THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 179 

scattered forces. The people must once more unite and overcome the ad- 
vocates of repudiation and must not relax their energy until the battle 
for public honor and honest money shall again triumph. A congress 
which will sustain and if need be strengthen the present law can prevent 
a financial catastrophe which every lover of the republic is interested to 
avert. 

Not satisfied with assaulting the currency and credit of the govern- 
ment, our political adversaries condemn the tariff law enacted at the 
extra session of Congress in 1897, known as the Dingley act, passed in 
obedience to the will of the people expressed at the election in the pre- 
ceding November, a law which at once stimulated our industries, opened 
the idle factories and mines and gave to the laborer and to the farmer 
fair returns for their toil and investment. Shall we go back to a tariff 
which brings deficiency in our revenues and destruction to our industrial 
enterprises? 

Faithful to its pledges in these internal affairs, how has the govern- 
ment discharged its international duties? 

Our platform of 1896 declared: "The Hawaiian Islands should be con- 
trolled by the United States, and no foreign power should be permitted 
to interfere with them." This purpose has been fully accomplished by 
annexation, and delegates from these beautiful islands participated in 
the convention for which you speak to-day. In the great conference of 
nations at The Hague we reaffirmed before the world the Monroe doc- 
trine and our adherence to it and our determination not to participate 
in the complications of Europe. We have happily ended the European 
alliance in Samoa, securing to ourselves one of the most valuable har- 
bors in the Pacific ocean; while the open door in China gives to us fair 
and equal competition in the vast trade of the Orient. 

Some things have happened which were not promised, nor even 
foreseen, and our purpose in relation to them must not be left in doubt. 
A just war has been waged for humanity and with it have come new 
problems and responsibilities. Spain has been ejected from the western 
hemisphere and our flag floats over her former territorj'. Cuba has 
been liberated and our guarantees to her people will be sacredly exe- 
cuted. A beneficent government has been provided for Porto Rico. 
The Philippines are ours and American authority must be supreme 
throughout the archipelago. There will be amnesty broad and liberal 
but no abatement of our rights, no abandonment of our duty. There 



180 TEE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 

must be no scuttle policy. We will fulfill in the Philippines the obli- 
gations imposed by the triumphs of our arms and by the treaty of peace; 
by international law; by the Nation's sense of honor; and more than 
all by the rights, interests and conditions of the Philippine people 
themselves. No outside interference blocks the way to peace and a 
stable government. The obstructionists are here, not elsewhere. They 
may postpone, but they cannot defeat the realization of the high pur- 
pose of this nation to restore order to the islands and establish a just 
and generous government in which the inhabitants shall have the 
largest participation for which they are capable. The organized forces 
which have been misled into rebellion have been dispersed by our faith- 
ful soldiers and sailors, and the people of the islands, delivered from 
anarchy, pillage and oppression, recognize American sovereignty as 
the symbol and pledge of peace, justice, law, religious freedom, educa- 
tion, the security of life and property, and the welfare and prosperity 
of their several communities. 

We assert the early principles of the Eepublican party, sustained 
by unbroken judicial precedents, that the representatives of the people 
in congress assembled, have full legislative power over territory belong- 
ing to the United States, subject to the fundamental safeguards of lib- 
erty, justice and personal rights, and are vested with ample authority to 
act "for the highest interests of our Nation and the people entrusted to 
its care." This doctrine, first proclaimed in the cause of freedom, will 
never be used as a weapon for oppression. 

I am glad to be assured by you that what we have done in the far 
east has the approval of the country. The sudden and terrible crisis in 
China calls for the gravest consideration, and you will not expect from 
me now any further expression than to say that my best efforts shall be 
given to the immediate purpose of protecting the lives of our citizens 
who are in peril, with the ultimate object of the peace and welfare of 
China, the safeguarding of all our treaty rights, and the maintenance of 
those principles of impartial intercourse to which the civilized world is 
pledged. 

I cannot conclude without congratulating my countrymen upon 
the strong National Sentiment which finds expression in every part of 
our common country and the increased respect with which the Ameri- 
can name is greeted throughout the world. 

We have been moving in untried paths, but our steps have been 



THE CAMPAIGN OF 1900. 181 

guided by honor and duty. There will be no turning aside, no waver- 
ing, no retreat. No blow has been struck except for liberty and human- 
ity and none will be. We will perform without fear, every National 
and international obligation. The Republican party was dedicated to 
freedom forty-four years ago. It has been the party of liberty and 
emancipation from that hour; not of profession but of performance. It 
broke the shackles of 4,000,000 slaves and made them free, and to the 
party of Lincoln has come another supreme opportunity which it has 
bravely met in the liberation of 10,000,000 of the human family from 
the yoke of imperialism. In its solution of great problems, in its per- 
formance of high duties, it has had the support of members of all parties 
in the past and confidently invokes their co-operation in the future. 

Permit me to express, Mr. Chairman, my most sincere appreciation 
of the complimentary terms in which you convey the official notice of 
my nomination, and my thanks to the members of the committee and to 
the great constituency W'hich they represent, for this additional evi- 
dence of their favor and support. 

This speech had particular interest because it was not the policy of 
the managers of the campaign that the President should take the 
stump, and the response to the notification was a review of the first 
term of the presidency and important for the indication of the lines 
to be pursued. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

HOW PRESIDENT McKINLEY FACED THE PEOPLE. 

His Speeches to the Returned Soldiers from the Philippines and to the Men of Organized 
Labor— He Spoke in the Cities of the South, the Clubs and on Antietam Battlefield. 

Addressing the Tenth Pennsylvania Volunteers, on their return from 
the Philippines, in a Pittsburg park. President McKinley told them: 
"You added new glory to American arms. You and your brave com- 
rades engaged on other fields of conflict have enlarged the map of the 
United States and extended the jurisdiction of American liberty. The 
Eighth Army Corps in the Philippines has made a proud and excep- 
tional record. Privileged to be mustered out in April, when the ratifica- 
tions of the treaty of peace were exchanged, they did not claim the 
privilege. 

"They did not stack arms. They did not run away. They were not 
serving the insurgents in the Philippines or their sympathizers at 
home. 'They had no part or patience with the men, few in number, 
happily, who would have rejoiced to see them lay down their arms in 
the presence of an enemy whom they had just emancipated from Span- 
ish rule. 

"They furnished an example of devotion and sacrifice which will 
brighten the glorious record of American valor. They have secured not 
alone the gratitude of the government and the people, but for them- 
selves and their descendants an imperishable distinction. They may 
not fully appreciate, and the country may not, the heroism of their 
conduct and its important support to the government. I think I do, 
and so I am here to express it." 

President McKinley's speeches to the people during his travels have 
been very notable and acceptable on account of their manly candor. 
His greetings to the returned soldiers from the Philippines were most 
hearty and affectionate and full of gratitude for their patriotic devo- 
tion, especially to those who remained at the front longer than the terms 
of their enlistment required, until a new army could be prepared to 
meet the difficulty that was unexpected. He said at Fargo, North 
Dakota, October 13th, 1899, addressing the North Dakota Volunteers : 

182 




JAMES ABRAM GARFIELD, ASSASSINATED 1881. 

James Abram Garfield, twentlpth Pr.^sidont of the United States, was the second 
Chief Executive to fall under the bullet of the assassin. His sufferings from tho 
day he was shot— July 2, ISSl— to the time of his death were frightful. President 
Garfield lingered until the night of September 19th. He was horn of poor parents, 
drove a ranal boat, secured an education solely by his own efforts; was a college 
president at twenty-six and Major-General of Volunteers in the Civil 'War at 
thirty-two. He was also a Congressman at the same age. going direct from the 
field of battle to the National Capitol a' Washington. He was born In Ohio la 
1831, and was less than sixty years of age when he died. 



HOW MgKINLEY faced THE PEOPLE. 18S 

"I have come especially that I might look into the faces of the North 
Dakota Volunteers — the two battalions who saw service on the battle- 
line in Luzon. I came that I might speak to them the welcome and the 
'Well done.' You did your duty and you filled my heart with joy when 
you, with the other volunteers and regulars of the Eighth Corps, sent 
me word as President that you would remain at the battle-front in 
Luzon until a new army could be created to take your place. You 
refused to beat retreat or strike your colors in the presence of the enemy, 
no matter who advised you to come home. You said, 'We will stay and 
keep the flag stainless in the presence of the enemy.' And, my fellow- 
citizens, no soldier ever had a mo^re delicate or trying duty. This army, 
of which this fragment from your State formed a part, remained in 
Luzon, waiting, first for the treaty of peace which was being negotiated 
in Paris, then for its ratification by the Senate of the United States, 
then until the exchange of ratifications between the United States 
and Spain — waiting through all that long period, accepting the inso- 
lence of the insurgents with a patient dignity which characterized the 
American soldiers, who were under the orders of the Executive that 
they must not strike a blow, pending the treaty of peace, except in 
defense. I say they bore these taunts with a patience sublime. We 
never dreamed that the little body of insurgents whom we had just 
emancipated from oppression— we never for a moment believed that 
they would turn upon the flag that had sheltered them against Spain. 
So our soldiers patiently bore, through the long months, the insults of 
that band of misguided men under the orders of an ambitious leader. 
Then the insurgent chief ordered an attack upon our line, and our 
boys made a gallant defense. But I want to do them the credit to say, 
here in the presence of their neighbors and their friends, their fathers 
and their mothers, that they forbore all things rather than disobey an 
order from the government they were serving." 

Here the President referred to his order forbidding the United States 
troops to fire upon the insurgent Filipinos, except in self-defense. 
Speaking of this, in Iowa, he said : 

"The American soldiers did not begin hostilities against the insur- 
gents pending the ratification of the treaty of peace in the Senate, great 
as was their justification, because their orders from Washington for- 
bade it. I take all the responsibility for that direction. Otis only 
executed the orders of his government, and the soldiers, under great 
u 



186 HOW McKINLEY FACED THE PEOPLE. 

provocation to strike back, obeyed. The first blow was struck by the 
insurgents, and it was a foul blow. Our kindness was reciprocated with 
cruelty, our mercy with a Mauser. The flag of truce was invoked only 
to be dishonored. Our soldiers were shot down while ministering to the 
wounded Filipinos, our dead were mutilated; our humanity was inter-' 
preted as weakness, our forbearance as cowardice. 

"They assailed our sovereignty ; and there will be no useless parley, 
no pause, until the insurrection is suppressed, and American authority 
acknowledged and established. 

"The leader of the insurgent forces says to the American govern- 
ment, 'You can have peace if you will give us independence.' Peace for 
independence, he says. He had another price than that for peace once 
before, but the United States pays no gold for peace. We never gave 
a bribe in aJl our history, and we will not now commence to do it." 

The President referred to the fact that Aguinaldo was bribed by 
the Spanish to leave his country, and was notoriously susceptible to 
bribery, and that he would dare the Filipinos and conspire with the 
Spanish during the siege of Manila against the United States. The 
Philippine insurgents did not want independence for any other reason 
than to take up the Spanish role of tyranny and spoliation. 

At Aberdeen the President said to the First South Dakota Volun- 
teers: 

"I can never express to you the cheer you gave my heart when you 
sent word that you would remain until a new army could be formed to 
take your places. The members of the First South Dakota, and their 
comrades furnished an example of personal sacrifice and public conse- 
cration rarely known in the annals of history. But it is just like the 
American soldier, no matter where he comes from. He never lays down 
his arms in the presence of an enemy, and never falters, never lowers 
the flag of his country, nor leaves the field till victory comes. 

"I am glad to see the veterans of 1861 welcome the veterans of 1898. 
It is the same kind of patriotism. You got it from your fathers; and it 
is a patriotism that never deserts and never encourages desertion." 

Explaining the critical condition of the army, the President said : 

"April, 1899, the date of the exchange of ratifications, there were 
only 27,000 regulars subject to the unquestioned direction of the Execu- 
tive, and they for the most part on duty in Cuba and Porto Rico, 
or invalided at home after their severe campaign in the tropics. Even 



BOW McKINLEY FACED THE PEOPLE. 187 

had they been available, it would have required months to transport 
them to the Philippines. Practically a new army had to be created. 
These loyal volunteers in the Philippines said: *We will stay until 
the government can organize an army at home and transport it to 
the seat of hostilities.' 

"They did stay, cheerfully, uncomplainingly, patriotically. They 
suffered and sacrificed, they fought and fell, they drove back and pun- 
ished the rebels who resisted federal authority, and who with force 
attacked the sovereignty of the United States in its newly acquired 
territory. Without them then and there we would have been practi- 
cally helpless on land, our flag would have had its first stain, and the 
American name its first ignominy. The brilliant victories of the army 
and navy in the bay and city of Manila would have been won in vaiu, 
our obligations to civilization would have remained temporarily unper- 
formed, chaos would have reigned, and whatever government there was 
would have been by the will of one man, and not with the consent of 
the governed. Who refused to sound the retreat? Who stood in the 
breach when others weakened? Who resisted the suggestions of the 
unpatriotic that they should come home? 

"Let me call the roll of honor — let me name the regiments and bat- 
talions that deserve to be perpetuated in the nation's annals. Their 
action was not a sudden impulse born of excitement, but a deliberate 
determination to sustain, at the cost of life, if need be, the honor of 
their government and the authority of its flag. 

"First California, California Artillery, First Colorado, First Idaho, 
Fifty-first Iowa, Twentieth Kansas, Thirteenth Minnesota, First Mon- 
tana, First Nebraska, First North Dakota, Nevada Cavalry, Second 
Oregon, Tenth Pennsylvania, First South Dakota, First Tennessee, 
Utah Artillery, First Washington, First Wyoming, Wyoming Battery, 
First, Eighteenth, and Nineteenth Companies Volunteer Signal Corps." 

Here the President referred to regulars and marines, who deserved 
the credit given the volunteers. 

Addressing the Chicago Bricklayers and Stone Masons, Chicago, 
October 10, 1890, President McKinloy said: 

"The labor of the United States is better employed, better paid, and 
commands greater respect than that of any other nation in the world. 
What I wonld leave with you here to-night, in the moment I shall 
occupy, is the thonght that yon should improve ail the advantages and 



188 BOW McKINLE7 FACED TEE PEOPLE. 

opportunities of this free government. Your families, your boys and 
girls, are very close to your heart-strings, and you ought to avail your- 
selves of the opportunity offered your children by the excellent schools 
of the city of Chicago. Give your children the best education obtain- 
able, and that is the best equipment you can give any American. In- 
tegrity wins its way anywhere, and what I do not want the working- 
men of this country to do is to establish hostile camps and divide the 
people of the United States into classes. I do not want any wall built 
against the ambitions of your boy, nor any barrier put in the way of his 
occupying the highest places in the gift of the people. 

"I have no sympathy with that sentiment which would divide my 
countrymen into classes. I have no sympathy with that sentiment 
which would put the rich man on the one side and the poor man on 
the other, — labor on the one side and capital on the other, — because 
all of them are equal before the law, all of them have equal power in 
the conduct of the government. Every man's vote in the United States 
is the equal of every other's on that supreme day when we choose rulers 
and Congresses and governors and legislatures. 

"Our citizens may accumulate great wealth, and many of them do; 
but they cannot take it with them, nor can they entail it from genera- 
tion to generation. He who inherits must keep it by his own prudence 
or sagacity. If he does not, it is divided up among his fellows." 

"Every boy and girl can have a good education — one that will equip 
them for every duty and occupation of life. Not only are they thus 
educated by the State and the nation, but when once educated they 
have open to them, and to every one of them, the highest opportunities 
for advancement. They are not prevented from aspiring to the highest 
places in the gift of the government because they are poor. We have 
no classes. No matter what their creed, their party, no matter what 
may be their condition, no matter about their race or their nationality, 
they all have an equal opportunity to secure private and public posi- 
tions of honor and profit. 

"The government of the United States rests in the hearts and con- 
sciences of the people. It is defended, whenever it is assailed, by its 
citizen soldiery; and it furnishes education free to all the young, that 
they may take upon themselves the great trust of carrying forward, 
without abatement of vigor, this fabric of government. 

<'Side by side with education must be character. Do not forget that. 



HOW McEINLEY FACED THE PEOPLE. 189 

There is nothing in this world that lasts so long or wears so well as 
good character; and it is something everybody can have. It is just 
as easy to get into the habit of doing good as it is to get into the habit 
of doing evil. With education and integrity every avenue of honor, 
every door of usefulness, every pathway of fame and favor are open 
to all of you." 

The following paragraph is an extract from a speech delivered at 
Racine, Wisconsin, October 17, 1899 : 

"This is a nation of high privilege and great opportunity. We have 
the free school, the open Bible, freedom of religious worship and con- 
viction. We have the broadest opportunity for advancement, with 
every door open. The humblest among you may aspire to the highest 
place in public favor and confidence. As a result of our free institutions 
the great body of the men who control public affairs in State and 
Nation, who control the great business enterprises of the country, the 
railroads and other industries, came from the humble American home 
and from the ranks of the plain people of the United States." 

THE president's SPEECHES IN THE SOUTHERN CAPITALS. 

Montgomery: "To be welcomed here in the City of Montgomery, 
the first capital of the Confederate States, warmly and enthusiastically 
welcomed as the President of a common country, has filled and thrilled 
me with emotion. Once the capital of the Confederacy, now the cap- 
ital of a great State, one of the indestructible States of an indestructible 
Union! 

"The governor says he has nothing to take back. We have nothing 
to take back for having kept you in the Union. We are glad you did 
not go out, and you are glad you stayed in. 

"Alabama, like all the States of the Union, North and South, has 
been loyal to the flag and steadfastly devoted to the American name 
and to American honor. There never has been in the history of the 
United States such a demonstration of patriotism, from one end of 
this country to the other, as in the year just passing; and never has 
American valor been more brilliantly illustrated in the battle-line on 
shore and on the battle-ship at sea than by the soldiers and sailors 
of the Unite<l States. Everybody is talking of Ilobson, and justly so; 
but I want to thank Mother Hobson in this presence. Everybody is 



190 HOW McKINLEY FACED THE PEOPLE. 

talking about General Wheeler, one of the bravest of the brave; bnt 
I want to speak of that sweet little daughter who followed him to 
Santiago and ministered to the sack soldiers at Montauk." 

Richmond: "For thirty-seven of the sixty-one years from 1789 to 
1850, sons of Virginia occupied the presidential office with rare fidelity 
and distinction — a period covering more than one-fourth of our national 
existence. What State, what nation can have a greater heritage than 
such names as Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and Marshall? 
Their deeds inspire the old and the young. They are written in our 
histories. They are a part of the education of every child of the land. 
They enrich the school-books of the country. They are cherished in 
every American home, and will be so long as liberty lasts and the 
Union endui'es. 

"My countrymen, the sacred principles proclaimed in Philadelphia 
in 1776, advanced to glorious triumph at Yorktown, made effective 
in the formation of the Federal Union in 1787, sustained by the heroism: 
of all our people in every foreign conflict, sealed in solemn covenant at 
Appomattox Court House, sanctified by the blood of the men of the 
South and of the North at Manila and Santiago and in Porto Rico, 
have lost none of their force and virtue. 

"I heartily rejoice with the people of this great city upon its indus- 
trial revival and upon the notable prosperity it is feeling in all of its 
business enterprises. A universal love of country and a noble national 
spirit animate all the people. 

"I could not forget in this presence to make my acknowledgment 
to the men of Virginia for their hearty and patriotic support of the 
government in the war with Spain, and for their continued and unflinch- 
ing loyalty in the suppression of the insuiTection in Luzon against the 
authority of the United States. They came in swift response to the call 
of country, — the best blood of the State, the sons of noble sires, — ask- 
ing for service at the battle-front where the fighting was the hardest 
and the danger the greatest. The rolls of the Virginia volunteers con- 
tain the names of the bravest and best, some of them the descendants 
of the most illustrious Virginians. They have shed their blood for the 
flag of their faith, and are now defending it with their lives in the 
distant islands of the sea. 

"My fellow-citizens, two great historical events, separated by a 
period of eighty-four years, affecting the life of the republic, and of 



i..l' JAtlMa.V' 



I 

J 



HOW McEINLEY FACED THE PEOPLE. 191 

awful import to mankind, took place on the soil of Virginia. Both were 
participated in by Virginians, and both marked mighty epochs in the 
history of the nation. The one was at Yorktown in 1781, when Corn- 
wallis suiTendered to Washington, which was the beginning of the end 
of the war with Great Britain and the dawning of independence and 
union. The great Virginian, sage and patriot, illustrious commander 
and wise statesman, installed the republic in the family of nations. 
It has withstood every shock in war or peace from without or within, 
experiencing its gravest crisis in the Civil War. The other, at Appo- 
mattox, was the conclusion of that crisis and the beginning of a unifica- 
tion now happily full and complete, resting in the good will and fra- 
ternal affection one toward another of all the people. Washington's 
terms of peace with Cornwallis secured the ultimate union of the col- 
onies, those of Grant with Lee the perpetual union of the States. Both 
events were mighty gains for the human family, and a proud record for 
a nation of freemen. Both were triumphs in which we all have a share, 
both are a common heritage. The one made the nation possible, the 
other made the nation imperishable. Now no jarring note mars the 
harmony of the Union. The seed of discord has no sower and no soil 
upon which to live. The purveyor of hate, if there be one left, is with- 
out a follower. The voice which would kindle the flame of passion 
and prejudice is i-arely heard and no longer heeded in any part of our 
beloved country. 

"Lord of the Universe, 
Shield us and guide us, 
Trusting Thee always 
Through shadow and sun. 
Thou hast united us. 
Who shall divide us? 
Keep us, oh, keep us 
The 'Many in One.' 

"Associated with this great commonwealth are many of the most 
sacred ties of our national life. From here came forth many of our 
greatest statesmen and heroes who gave vigor and virtue and glory 
to the republic." 

Atlanta: "Sectional lines no longer mar the map of the Uuited 



L 



192 HOW McEINLEY FACED THE PEOPLE. 

States. Sectional feeling no longer holds back the love we bear each 
other. Fraternity is the national anthem, sung by a chorus of forty-five 
States and our Territories at home and beyond the seas. The Union 
is once more the common altar of our love and loyalty, our devotion 
and sacrifice. The old flag again waves over us in peace, with new 
glories which your sons and ours have this year added to its sacred 
folds. What an army of silent sentinels we have, and with what loving 
care their graves are kept! Every soldier's grave made during our 
unfortunate Civil War is a tribute to American valor. And while, 
when those graves were made, we differed widely about the future of 
this government, those differences were long ago settled by the arbitra- 
ment of arms; and the time has now come, in the evolution of sentiment 
and feeling under the providence of God, when in the spirit of fraternity 
we should share with you in the care of the graves of the Confederate 
soldiers. 

"The cordial feeling now happily existing between the North and 
South prompts this gracious act, and if it needed further justification, 
it is found in the gallant loyalty to the Union and the flag so conspicu- 
ously shown in the year just past by the sons and grandsons of these 
heroic dead. 

"What a glorious future awaits us if unitedly, wisely, and bravely 
we face the new problems now pressing upon us, determined to solve 
them for right and humanity! 

"That flag has been planted in two hemispheres, and there it remains 
the symbol of liberty and law, of peace and progress. Who will with- 
draw from the people over whom it floats its protecting folds? Who 
will haul it down? Answer me, ye men of the South, who is there in 
Dixie who will haul it down? 

"Reunited! Glorious realization! It expresses the thought of my 
mind and the long-deferred consummation of my heart's desire as I 
stand in this presence. It interprets the hearty demonstration here 
witnessed, and is the patriotic refrain of all sections and of all lovers 
of the republic. 

"Reunited — one country again and one country forever! Proclaim 
it from the press and pulpit; teach it in the schools; write it across 
the skies! The world sees and feels it; it cheers every heart North and 
South, and brightens the life of every American home." 

Speaking to colored people in Alabama : "Remember that in acquir* 



BOW McKINLET FACED THE PEOPLE. 193 

ing knowledge there is one thing equally important, and that is 
character. Nothing in the whole wide world is worth so much, will last 
so long, and serve its possessor so well as good character. It is some- 
thing that no one can take from you, that no one can give to you. You 
must acquire it for yourself. 

"There is another thing. Do not forget the home. The home is the 
foundation of good individual life and of good government. Cultivate 
good homes, make them pure and sweet, elevate them, and other good 
things will follow. 

"It is better to be a skilled mechanic than a poor orator or an 
indifferent preacher. In a word each of you must want to be best in 
whatever you undertake. Nothing in the world commands more respect 
than skill and industry. Every avenue is open to them. 

"At San Juan hill and at El Caney— but General Wheeler is here; 
I know he can tell you better than I can of the heroism of the black 
regiments which fought side by side with the white troops on those 
historic fields. 

"Mr. Lincoln was right when, speaking of the black men, he said 
that the time might come when they would help to preserve and extend 
freedom. And in a third of a century you have been among those who 
have given liberty in Cuba to an oppressed people." 



THE NATIONAL PROSPERITY, VICTORY, OPPORTUNITY AND RESPONSIBILITY. 

At a speech at the banquet of the Ohio Society of New York, New 
York, March 3, 1900, President McKinley said: "It is proper that I 
should say that the Managing Board of the Ohio Society has kept the 
promise made to me some months ago, that I would not be expected or 
required to speak at this banquet; and because of that promise I have 
made some preparation. 

'We will soon have legislative assurance of the continuance of the 
gold standard with which we measure our exchanges, and we have the 
open door in the far East through which to market our products. We 
are neither in alliance nor antagonism nor entanglement with any for- 
eign power, but on terms of amity and cordiality with all. We buy 
from all of them and sell to all of them, and in the last two years our 
sales have exceeded our purchases by over one billion dollars. Market* 



194 HOW McKINLEY FACED THE PEOPLE. 

have been increased and mortgages have been reduced. Interest has 
fallen and the wages of labor have advanced. Our public debt is dimin- 
ishing and our surplus in the Treasury holds its own. It is no exagger- 
ation to say that the country is well-to-do. Its people for the most 
part are happy and contented. They have good times at home and are 
on good terms with the nations of the world. There are, unfortunately, 
those among us, few in number, I am sure, and none in the Ohio Society, 
who seem to thrive best under bad times, and who, when good times 
overtake them in the United States, feel constrained to put us on bad 
terms with the rest of mankind. With them I have no sympathy. I 
would rather give expression in this presence to what I believe to be the 
nobler and almost universal sentiment of my countrymen in the wish 
not only for peace and prosperity here, but for peace and prosperity 
to all the nations and peoples of the earth. After thirty-three years 
of unbroken peace came an unavoidable war. Happily the conclusion 
was quickly reached, without a suspicion of unworthy motive or prac- 
tice or purpose on our part, and with fadeless honor to our arms. I 
cannot forget the quick response of the people to the country's need, 
and the quarter of a million men who freely offered their lives to their 
country's service. It was an impressive spectacle of national strength. 
It demonstrated our mighty reserve power, and taught us that large 
standing armies are unnecessary when every citizen is a 'minute man,' 
ready to join the ranks in his country's defense. 

"Out of these recent events have come to the United States grave 
trials and responsibilities. As it was the nation's war, so are its results 
the nation's problems. Its solution rests upon us all. It is too serious 
to stifle. It is too earnest for repose. No phrase or catchword can 
conceal the sacred obligation it involves. No use of epithets, no asper- 
sion of motives by those who differ will contribute to that sober judg- 
ment so essential to right conclusions. No political outcry can abrogate 
our treaty of peace with Spain, or absolve us from its solemn engage- 
/ments. It is the people's question, and will be until its determination 
is written out in their conscientious and enlightened judgment. We 
must choose between manly doing and base desertion. It will never be 
the latter. It must be soberly settled in ju.stice and good conscience, 
and it will be. Righteousness, which exalteth a nation, must control 
in its solution. No great emergency has arisen in this nation's history 
and progress which has not been met by the sovereign people with 



I 



I 

I 
I 



HOW McKINLEY FACED TEE PEOPLE. 195 

high capacity, with ample strength, and with unflinching fidelity to 
every public and honorable obligation. Partisanship can hold few of us 
against solemn public duty. We have seen this so often demonstrated 
in the past as to mark unerringly what it will be in the future. The 
national sentiment and the national conscience were never stronger 
or higher than now. Within two years there has been a reunion of 
the people around the holy altar consecrated to country and newly sanc- 
tified by common sacrifices. The followers of Grant and Lee have 
fought under the same flag and fallen for the same faith. Party lines 
have loosened and the ties of union have been strengthened. Section- 
alism has disappeared and fraternity and union have been rooted in 
the hearts of the American people. Political passion has altogether 
subsided, and patriotism glows with inextinguishable fervor in every 
home of the land. The flag — our flag — has been sustained on distant 
seas and islands by the men of all parties and sections and creeds and 
races and nationalities, and its stars are only those of radiant hope to 
the remote peoples over whom it floats. 

"There can be no imperialism. Those who fear it are against it. 
Those who have faith in the republic are against it. So that there is 
universal abhorrence for it and unanimous opposition to it. Our only 
difference is that those who do not agree with us have no confidence in 
the virtue or capacity or high purpose or good faith of this free people 
as a civilizing agency, while we believe that the century of free gov- 
ernment which the American people have enjoyed has not rendered 
them irresolute and faithless, but has fitted them for the great task 
of lifting up and assisting to better conditions and larger liberty those 
distant peoples who, through the issue of battle, have become our 
wards. Let us fear not! There is no occasion for faint hearts, no excuse 
for regrets. Nations do not grow in strength, and the cause of liberty 
and law is not advanced, by the doing of easy things. The harder 
the task the greater will be the result, the benefit, and the honor. To 
doubt our power to accomplish it is to lose our faith in the soundness 
and strength of our popular institutions. 

"The liberators will never become the oppressors. A self-governed 
people will never permit despotism in any government which they foster 
and defend. 

"Gentlemen, we have the new care and cannot shift it. And, break- 
ing up the camp of ease and isolation, let us bravely and hopefully 



196 HOW McKINLET FACED THE PEOPLE. 

and soberly continue the march of faithful service, and falter not until 
the work is done. It is not possible that seventy-five millions of Amer- 
ican freemen are unable to establish liberty and justice and good gov- 
ernment in our new possessions. The burden is our opportunity. The 
opportunity is greater than the burden. May God give us strength to 
bear the one, and wisdom so to embrace the other that we may carry 
to our new acquisitions the guaranties of 'life, liberty, and the pursuit 
of happiness!' " 

Before the Boston Home Market Club, the President spoke of those 
who had been fierce for war, and then mad because we had gained 
ground for the people. He said: 

"Many who were impatient for the conflict a year ago, apparently 
heedless of its larger results, are the first to cry out against the far- 
reaching consequences of their own act. Those of us who dreaded war 
most, and whose every effort was directed to prevent it, had fears of 
new and grave problems which might follow its inauguration. 

"The evolution of events, which no man could control, has brought 
these problems upon us. Certain it is that they have not come through 
any fault on our own part, but as a high obligation; and we meet them 
with clear conscience and unselfish purpose, and with good heart re- 
solve to undertake their solution." 

Touching the Philippine question, the President said: "There is 
universal agreement that the Philippines shall not be turned back to 
Spain. No true American consents to that. Even if unwilling to accept 
them ourselves, it would have been a weak evasion of duty to require 
Spain to transfer them to some other power or powers, and thus shirk 
our own responsibility. Even if we had had, as we did not have, the 
power to compel such a transfer, it could not have been made without 
the most serious international complications. Such a course could not 
be thought of. And yet, had we refused to accept the cession of them, 
we should have had no power over them, even for their own good. 
We could not discharge the responsibilities upon us until these islands 
became ours either by conquest or treaty. There was but one alter- 
native, and that was either Spain or the United States in the Philip- 
pines. The other suggestions — first, that they should be tossed into 
the arena of contention for the strife of nations; or, second, be left 
to the anarchy and chaos of no protectorate at all — were too shameful 
to be considered. 



HOW McKINLEY FACED THE PEOPLE. 197 

"The treaty gave them to the United States. Could we have re- 
quired less and done our duty? Could we, after freeing the Filipinos 
from the domination of Spain, have left them without government and 
without power to protect life or property or to perform the interna- 
tional obligations essential to an independent state? Could we have 
left them in a state of anarchy and justified ourselves in our own con- 
sciences or before the tribunal of mankind? Could we have done that 
in the sight of God or man? 

"Our concern was not for territory or trade or empire, but for the 
people whose interests and destiny, without our willing it, had been 
put in our hands. It was with this feeling that, from the first day to the 
last, not one word or line went from the Executive in Washington to 
our military and naval commanders. 

"That the inhabitants of the Philippines will be benefited by this 
republic is my unshaken belief. That they will have a kindlier govern- 
ment under our guidance, and that they will be aided in every possible 
way to be a self-respecting and self-governing people, is as true as that 
the American people love liberty and have an abiding faith in their 
own government and in their own institutions. No imperial designs 
lurk in the American mind. They are alien to American sentiment, 
thought, and purpose. Our priceless principles undergo no change 
under a tropical sun. They go with the flag. 

"Why read ye not the changeless truth, 
The free can conquer but to save?" 

At Ocean Grove, New Jersey: "That flag does not mean one thing 
in the United States and another thing in Porto Rico and the Philip- 
pines. There has been doubt expressed in some quarters as to the pur- 
pose of the government respecting the Philippines. I can see no harm 
in stating it in this presence. Peace first; then, with charity for all, the 
establishment of a government of law and order, protecting life and 
property and occupation for the well-being of the people, in which they 
will participate under the Stars and Stripes." 

THE DUTY OF DESTINY. 

The President said in Iowa: "We have added some new territory. 
It is no longer a question of expansion with us; we have expanded. If 



198 HOW McKINLEY FACED THE PEOPLE. 

there is any question at all it is a question of contraction; and who is 
going to 'contract'?" 

In Chicago: "Duty determines destiny. Destiny which results from 
duty performed may bring anxiety and perils, but never failure and 
dishonor. Pursuing duty may not always lead by smooth paths. An- 
other course may look easier and more attractive, but pursuing duty 
for duty's sake is always sure and safe and honorable. 

"It is not within the power of man to foretell the future and to solve 
unerringly its mighty problems. Almighty God has his plans and 
methods for human progress, and not infrequently they are shrouded 
for the time being in impenetrable mystery. Looking backward, we can 
see how the hand of destiny builded for us and assigned us tasks whose 
full meaning was not apprehended even by the wisest statesmen of their 
times. Our colonial ancestors did not enter upon their war originally 
for independence. Abraham Lincoln did not start out to free the slaves, 
but to save the Union." 

In South Dakota: "I not only bring salutations, but congratula- 
tions. You have made wonderful progress. You have been enjoying 
in the last twenty-four months an unexampled prosperity. Good crops 
and fair prices have lifted the mortgage and lowered the interest; and 
while the interest has been lowered to the borrower, the standard of 
the money loaned has not been lowered." 

In Ohio: "The country everywhere is prosperous. The idle mills 
of three years ago have been opened, the fires have been rebuilt, and 
heart and hope have entered the homes of the people." 

In Minnesota: "I am glad you have prosperity here. You all look 
like it. You act like it, and I hope it has come to stay." 

Addressing the Catholic Summer School, Cliff House, New Jersey: 
"Our patriotism is neither sectional nor sectarian. We may differ in 
our political and religious beliefs, but we are united for country. Loy- 
alty to the government is our national creed. We follow, all of us, one 
flag. It symbolizes our purposes and our aspirations; it represents 
what we believe and what we mean to maintain; and wherever it floats, 
it is the flag of the free, the hope of the oppressed ; and wherever it is 
assailed, at any sacrifice, it will be carried to a triumphant peace. We 
have more flags here than we ever had before. They are in evidence 
everywhere. I saw them carried by the little ones on your lawn." 



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HOW McKINLEY FACED TEE PEOPLE. 199 



SPEECH AT ANTIETAM BATTLEFIELD, MAEYLAND, MAY 30, 1900. 

"Mr. Chairman and my Fellow-Citizens: I appear only for a mo- 
ment that I may make acknowledgment of your courteous greeting and 
express my sympathy with the patriotic occasion for which we have 
assembled to-day. 

"In this presence and on this memorable field I am glad to meet the 
followers of Lee and Jackson and Longstreet and Johnston, with the 
followers of Grant and McClellan and Sherman and Sheridan, greeting 
each other, not with arms in their hands or malice in their souls, but 
with affection and respect for each other in their hearts. Standing here 
to-day, one reflection only has crowded my mind — the difference be- 
tween this scene and that of thirty-eight years ago. Then the men who 
wore the blue and the men who wore the gray greeted each other with 
shot and shell, and visited death upon their respective ranks. We meet, 
after these intervening years, as friends, with a common sentiment, — 
that of loyalty to the government of the United States, love for our flag 
and our free institutions, — and determined, men of the North and men 
of the South, to make any sacrifice for the honor and perpetuity of the 
American nation. 

"My countrymen, I am glad, and you are glad also, of that famous 
meeting between Grant and Lee at Appomattox Court House. I am 
glad we were kept together — aren't you? — glad that the Union was 
saved by the honorable terms made between Grant and Lee under the 
famous apple-tree; and there is one glorious fact that must be gratify- 
ing to all of us — American soldiers never surrendered but to Ameri- 
cans. 

"The past can never be undone. The new day brings its shining sun 
to light our duty now. I am glad to preside over a nation of nearly 
eighty million people, more united than they have ever been since the 
formation of the Federal Union. I account it a great honor to partici- 
pate on this occasion with the State of Maryland in its tribute to the 
valor and heroism and sacrifices of the Confederate and Union armies. 
The valor of the one or the other, the valor of both, is the common 
heritage of us all. The achievements of that war, every one of them, 
are just as much the inheritance of those who failed as those who pre- 
vailed; and when we went to war two years ago the men of the South 



200 BOW McKINLEY FACED THE PEOPLE. 

and the men of the North vied with each other in showing their devo- 
tion to the United States. The followers of the Confederate generals 
with the followers of the Federal generals fought side by side in Cuba, 
in Porto Rico, and in the Philippines, and together in those far-off 
islands are standing to-day fighting and dying for the flag they love, 
the flag that represents more than any other banner in the world, the 
best hopes and aspirations of mankind." 

It had not been the purpose of the President to speak on this occa- 
sion, but he was intensely interested in the scenes and incidents of the 
day and was moved to speak in terms that came from the heart and 
reached the hearts of others. 



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CHAPTER XIV. 

PKESIDENT McKINLEY AS AN ORATOR. 

His Speeches Before the People Compared with those of Other Famous Americans- 
Extracts that Prore His Vast Scope of Information and Power of Varied Expression. 

One of the traditions of the American people, until the war of the 
States and sections, held it unsafe and not in the best form for Presi- 
dents, or candidates for the great office, to make unofficial addresses 
to the public. The responsibilities of the Presidential office are so great 
there has been a feeling the President himself should, with rare excep- 
tions, be heard only in State papers, and, at any rate, that whatever 
he might have to say should be reduced to writing, that there could be 
no misreporting or uncertainty. Of the earlier Presidents, John Adams 
only could have appeai'ed at his best on the stump, and his dignity, as 
he interpreted it, did not permit him to make so free with the people 
as to harangue them from platforms. The three great public speakers 
of the second generation of American statesmen — Webster, Clay and 
Calhoun — did not reach the great office. It became a theory largely 
accepted that an orator could not be chosen President, Henry Clay's 
failure in that particular was the example most cited to prove that 
oratory did not go with the Presidency, but Clay's weakness as a candi- 
date was letter writing, and it is a legend still afloat that he wrote 
himself out of the Presidency in explanation of his position touching the 
annexation of Texas. He damaged himself aiding the Free Soil defec- 
tion from the Whig ranks, in a speech at Richmond, Indiana, referring 
in a spirit of levity to the fact that a slave — his property — accompanied 
him as a servant. He offered to make a present of this intelligent black 
man to a prominent Abolitionist, of Richmond, if the young man him- 
self would approve of it. This was a startling proposition in a Quaker 
community. Martin Van Buren was a facile writer and speaker, but 
not an orator. Ilis son, "Prince John," was an orator. 

As a public speaker, Abraham Lincoln was far superior to any of his 
predecessors with the exception of John Quincy Adams; but Mr. Lin- 
coln, as President, rarely talked directly to the people. He read his 
Gettysburg speech from two slips of paper upon which he had written 

12 203 



204 PRESIDENT McKINLEY AS AN ORATOR. 

with a lead pencil what he had to say. He spoke from a White House 
window after the surrender of Lee, and calle'd upon the band of music 
in attendance to play "Dixie," as the tune had been "annexed" to our 
National airs. 

Andrew Johnson had some reputation and conceit of oratory, was 
exuberant in speech and often strong, but his swing around the circle 
in which he appealed to the country in behalf of his "policy" as against 
Congress, was not a fortunate adventure. It lacked dignity in the eyes 
of the people, but failed of success. 

General Grant's reputation when he became President was that of 
"the silent soldier," but he developepd a talent for pithy conversational 
sayings and speeches brief and telling, so that he became a good, though 
by no means gaudy, after-dinner speaker, and actually took the stump 
for Garfield, winning back to himself all hearts that had turned away 
from him on account of the third term candidacy. Nothing displayed 
in a more pleasing way than this incident illustrates, the greatness and 
generosity of his good sense and the genuineness of his patriotic sensi- 
bility, 

President Hayes was a forcible and pleasing public speaker, but 
not to be classed as an orator, though often strong and effective. He 
commanded an excellent style, but his best faculty in preparing public 
papers was his ability in condensation. 

Presidential eloquence has been almost a Republican peculiarity. 
The oratorical power of John Quincy Adams in the House of Repre- 
sentatives combating slavery increase, holds him in the remembrance 
of the American people, while his Presidential literature is forgotten, 
though it was excellent of its kind, and he is hardly to be named among 
the eloquent Presidents, for he developed his faculty of speaking when 
in advanced years he became a member of the House. 

Abraham Lincoln was indebted to his debates with Douglas for 
National reputation and advancement to the first place; and this was 
enhanced by his messages, letters and the Gettysburg oration. 

James A. Garfield was a born orator of immense capacity, and 
after his nomination for the Presidency, made a series of speeches 
along the Erie Railroad from New York to Warren, Ohio, including a 
stop and speech at Chautauqua. This was regarded a daring expedi- 
tion, but proved a successful movement, though he was assailed with 
bitter vehemence. 



PRESIDENT McKINLEY AS AN ORATOR. 205 

Horace Greeley, in 1872, made a series of speeches during a tour in 
the Ohio Valley that proved his intellect was never brighter or his 
remarkable command of language greater than just before the darkly 
shadowed end of his career. 

Mr. Blaine well knew, when a candidate for the Presidency, that 
the chances were against him, but his Western tour was a splendid 
showing of his potentiality, and he believed with great confidence it would 
turn the tide and win the fight. The idea has seized many that he 
lost the Presidency through errors on the stump, but it is not true. 
The famous Delmonico banquet was opposed to his judgment, and he 
yielded with extreme reluctance to the urgency of his friends, repeat- 
edly exercised, to accept the invitation to attend the function; and 
the banquet itself was gotten up to aid in replenishing the campaign 
fund. The mistake involving him in the Birchard incident was simply 
an omission while the Doctor was speaking to listen to what he was 
saying — Mr. Blaine at the moment thinking of what he was himself to 
say, and framing his sentences; and so the celebrated alliteration es- 
caped his notice, but the stenographers of the Democratic Committee 
caught the fatal phrase, and in a few hours were using it loudly, and 
they made it fiamboyant in posters all over the country. Mr. Blaine, 
in his speeches as a Presidential candidate, reached on several occasions 
a great height and rare felicity. There is a masterly appeal in his 
speech near his birthplace, when, pointing to the Monongahela, he 
opened with the words, "I was born on the banks of yonder river;" and 
continued in a fascinating strain of reminiscence and application of 
the principles that he advocated, to the wants of the country. 

President Benjamin Harrison was exceedingly able and enlightened 
in discretion, as well as courage, when he received the delegations of 
Republicans that crowded upon him at his residence in Indianapolis. 
His policy of speech-making was to have one thought, point or idea 
before him as a text, whenever, and that was very often — half a dozen, 
even a dozen times a day — he faced a multitude gathered in his door- 
yard and filling the street; and, of course, a speech was insisted upon. 
At last all the country wondered at his versatility — his constant fresh- 
ness of study, theme and expression and the aptitude and power of his 
utterances. His friends were for a while timid about his much speak- 
ing, but found him so admirably equipped that apprehension gave way 
to applause and adulation. President Harrison exceeded all his prede- 



206 PRESIDENT McKlNLEY A8 AN ORATOR. 

cessors in his wayside speaking, crossing the Continent, making speeches 
in nearly all the Southern, Central and all the Pacific States. Perhaps 
that which is best remembered is his poetic apostrophe to the cornfields, 
when he returned to "the land of the cornstalk." 

Governor McKinley met the delegations at Canton when first a 
candidate for the Presidency, as Harrison met them at Indianapolis, 
and his front yard flowers and grasses and shrubbery and fences, and 
gradually the lower limbs of the trees, passed away as those of his pre- 
decessor, in like manner, but the delegations multiplied on McKinley 
and swarmed so that on several occasions he addressed thirty in a day. 
His energy and variety in this work were astonishing; and he increased 
his labors by insisting all through upon knowing what was to be said to 
him by the passionate orators who came to introduce their fellow citi- 
zens, and were prone to flights of eloquence. This painstaking was that 
he might not meet a Birchard disaster. His vigilance was ceaseless. 
He got through marvelously, without having any mischief done by 
those who talked to him, or saying anything himself that could be 
turned against him, though his freedom and force were noticeable. He 
was guarded by an invisible, but impenetrable armor — that of the 
inherent integrity of his character, the purity of his private life, the 
ready stores of information of public affairs gathered in his education 
of four years in the army and twenty years in public service, sixteen in 
Congress and four as Governor of his State. There was a transparency 
about him, as well as a translucency in his treatment of themes, and he 
spoke right on with all sincerity and good will, while the flight of 
arrows poured upon him never scratched him— perhaps partly because 
he was insensible to the cautions of fear, and there were no records he 
cared to obscure. His strong point as a public speaker had been from 
the days of his first prominence in affairs, the note of sincerity in all 
his sayings. The people knew he was glad, happy, pleased, when he said 
I he was. He confided in them and they believed in him. Since the duties 
of the President became his official burden, he was personally very 
much in contact with the people at large — to a greater extent than any 
other President of the United States during his term of service. Owing 
to the feebleness of the health of Mrs. McKinley, the President did not 
visit the Pacific States during his first term; but he was repeatedly 
in the Southern States speaking in the old Confederate capitals, Mont- 
gomery and Richmond — also in Atlanta and Savannah and through 



I I'lii fill iiiHiii<iiiiBUi.ii<fii[aiiiMiMriiliiMiiiilite 



PRESIDENT McKINLEY AS AN ORATOR. 207 

Missouri, Tennessee, Alabama, tlie Virginias and Kentucky. He fre- 
quently visited Ohio, tlie old Middle and the New England States. 
Boston, New York and Philadelphia knew him well, and so did the peo- 
ple of the Ohio and the Wabash countries, the great cities of Pittsburg 
and Chicago, and all the principal places in the Northwestern States. 
He was long a familiar figure in Wisconsin, Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska 
and the Dakotas; and the unofiBcial speeches delivered from platforms 
— the President talking to the people — are voluminous and of the great- 
est variety, covering all subjects of serious public concern aptly and 
amply. 

The President adhered throughout to his original purpose not to 
make speeches during the campaign, that determined often a tre- 
mendous struggle that his administration was to be of the old pattern 
of two terms. His deeds spoke for him. In a degree most unusual in 
the life of a public man, the policy with which he had been identified 
had completely triumphed, and as it has prevailed the country has pros- 
pered ; and the war forced upon him was a phenomenon of military suc- 
cess. His fortunate career covers events of the greatest magnitude, 
both in peace and war, and the glory of his victories is so clear there 
was an effort to cloud them w'ith the word "imperialism," which in our 
affairs becomes an epithet without application, unless by common con- 
sent it is held to mean that the power of our country gives us foremost 
rank among the empires of the world. That rank belongs to us by vir- 
tue of our great population, almost equal to that of Germany and 
France together, to the natural resources of our country, greater than 
all Europe, to the adventurous spirit of our citizens, their enormous 
works of internal improvement, the gigantic development through their 
handiwork of the riches of the continent we occupy; and with these 
resources, advantages that are unparalleled, and in our situation, com- 
manding both the Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans, we are at last simply 
accepting the manifest destiny that was before-the eyes of the Fathers 
of the Revolution and has been developing through the decades of our 
advancement for more than a century. This pre-eminence of an Ameri- 
can Power has at last become so obvious that it is taken into account 
by all other nation.s, and there is no harmful ambition in recognizing 
the fact that pertains to ourselves, and certainly nothing that affects 
the Republicanism of our institutions, because they have developed a 
majesty of force that is more than imperial, as that word is applied to 



208 PRESIDENT McKINLEY AS AN ORATOR. 

empires, and has given a free people a government that is stronger 
than any which rests upon a dynasty or is supported by millions of 
bayonets. 

A collection has been made of the President's speeches from the time 
he left his home at Canton to enter upon his duties of the Presidency, 
to his speech of May 30th, 1900, on the Antietam battlefield. They are 
in book form, placed in chronological order, published as they were 
spoken, and "most of them from the stenographers' notes." We propose 
here to present the essentials of this mass of matter arranged with a 
view of grouping the utterances so as to present in historical associa- 
tion themes rather than times, and these speeches are the proof always 
of his breadth and fertility of mind. 

Leaving his home. Canton, Ohio, for Washington, March 1st, 1897, 
President McKinley said, such was the gravity of the Chief Magistracy 
that "partisanship could not blind judgment or accept any other con- 
sideration than the public good of all, of every party and every section." 

Nominated for a second term with a unanimity that has no parallel 
save in that of President Grant, President McKinley returned to 
his old home as the most restful spot in the land to pass the time during 
which occurred the popular agitations and contentions preceding the 
momentous verdict of the people of the United States, whether the 
policy of the Administration should be continued, if the life of the 
President and his ability were spared for a second term. Since Andrew 
Jackson, but two Presidents have been elected for two consecutive 
terms, Lincoln and Grant. President McKinley was by force of events 
overruled in his preference for retirement at the close of his first term, 
in the course of which, striving to keep the peace, he was compelled to 
lift the sword and become a war President, after withstanding the 
headlong drift and drive into hostilities so long that the rudest of those 
who shouted in Congress for war said the White House "should be 
painted black," because the President shrank from accepting the issues 
as of a nature that made bloodshed a necessity. Those who were fiercest 
for war were foremost in denouncing the policy of the fathers when 
they were victorious in gaining land for the people. In his inaugural 
address, March 4th, 1897, President McKinley said: "Our faith teaches 
that there is no safer reliance than upon the God of our fathers, who 
has so singularly favored the American people in every national trial, 
and who will not forsake us so long as we obey his commandments 



PRESIDENT iMcKINLEY AS AN ORATOR. 209 

and walk humbly in his footsteps." Then he said his responsibilities 
were "augmented by the prevailing business conditions, entailing idle- 
ness upon willing labor and loss to useful enterprises. The country is 
suffering from industrial disturbances from which speedy relief must 
be had. Our financial system needs some revision; our money is all 
good now, but its value must not further be threatened." This was 
sound to the core, but did not satisfy some of the specialists. What the 
President said was the keynote of the policy of prosperity. The con- 
ditions of the country were discussed in the inaugural address calmly 
and with deep intelligence. There is in these words history, prophecy 
and promise: "The depression of the past four years has fallen with 
especial severity upon the great body of toilers of the country, and 
upon none more than the holders of small farms. Agriculture has lan- 
guished and labor suffered. The revival of manufacturing will be a 
relief to both." The President prepared at once to trust Congress to do 
the work of the people, and announced: "I shall deem it my duty as 
President to convene Congress in extraordinary session on Monday, the 
15th day of March, 1897." In his first public address after his first 
inauguration at the dedication of the Grant monument. President Mc- 
Kinley said: "The veteran leaders of the blue and the gray here meet, 
not only to honor the name of the departed Grant, but to testify to the 
living reality of a fraternal national spirit, which has triumphed over 
the differences of the past and transcends the limitations of sectional 
lines. Its completion, which we pray God to speed, will be the nation's 
greatest glory." 

Here is the clear note of conciliation, the respectful concern to unite 
the country, that the sections that waged war with each other should 
be absorbed into the common country. In his speech at Nashville, June 
nth, 1897, at the Centennial Exposition of that State, the President 
'said of it, as a Territory Spain had sought to "possess it by right of 
discovery as a part of Florida. France claimed it by right of cession as 
a part of Louisiana and England as hers by conquest. But neither con- 
tention could for an instant be recognized." Here is a history that 
should be sounded through the land, showing that the original belit- 
tlers of our country in purpose were persistently the Spaniards, French 
and British. Precisely the policy of the Spaniards, British and French 
to force our country to be small — their attempted prevention of expan- 
sion, and this was presumed and urged after our union was formed; 



210 PRESIDENT McKINLEY AS AN ORATOR. 

and the foreign policy of the Belittlement of America which was over- 
come by the enterprise and courage of our countrymen, is that of the 
alleged anti-imperialists, who proclaimed the same old doctrine of the 
Spanish, French and British, who unitedly were against permitting 
the possibilities of a great America. They tried to withhold the land 
on which it could be established. The wisdom of the Fathers was too 
luminous, courageous and warlike to allow the great powers of Europe 
one hundred and twenty-five years ago to cut down our country on this 
Continent. We have had just such public enemies to deal with in a 
small way ever since. Their principles had their origin in Royal Jeal- 
ousies and Dynastic ambitions and in the apprehensions of foreign des- 
pots. Our friend in the Revolution, Bourbon France, was opposed when 
the war was over to a great free country in America. Spain, of course, 
claimed everything, wanted the whole Gulf coast, and to include the 
State of Tennessee in her possessions. The French wanted everything 
beyond the Mississippi. The British wanted the Ohio country, all the 
States that are between the Allegheny and the Mississippi River. The 
great personal influence that prevented the success of this conspiracy 
of European powers against the greatness of America was that of Ben- 
jamin Franklin. He was an expansionist. He made an effort to per- 
suade the British Government that they would find their account in a 
generous policy toward the English speaking colonies that were free, 
but wisdom was lacking, for the idea of a great, free America was not 
received with favor by any of the monarchies. 

The great political contest of 1900 in the United States was con- 
ducted with extraordinary energy, and was regarded with unusual 
interest in all civilized countries, and its reputation for uncommon con- 
sequence spread to the remote islands. It was the feeling of informed 
persons that the result in the United States would extraordinarily im- 
press the world at large favorably if McKinley was elected, with a 
Congress to sustain the features of his policy; and that his defeat would 
be reactionary against Republicanism and discredit the Republican 
form of government. The result was glorious and auspicious. The 
glory of our country was increased, its power augmented, its <;haracter 
elevated, and the march of human progress broadened and hastened. 



i 



CHAPTER XV. 

THE HOME LIFE OF OUR MARTYRED PRESIDENT. 

Its Sacredness and Sorrows, Beauty and Tenderness— It was a Sanctuary of Lore 
and Devotion— How the News of His Election to tlie Presidency was Received 
at His Canton Home. 

Those who have had the privilege of seeing the home life of our late 
President must approach the subject of conveying some impression of 
it to others with a sense that this is a house of holiness and with the 
feeling that the rude shoes should be taken from the feet of one who 
intrudes, for indeed it is holy ground. 

The writer has been in the Canton home — the one best loved of all — 
the home where so many years were spent — the Ebbitt House in Wash- 
ington — the home at Columbus for the two terms there of Governor 
McKinley— in travel in the Adirondacks and by Lake Champlain — and 
in the grand old White House — and everywhere saw the President and 
wife one and inseparable, and felt that there was constantly dis- 
tinguishable sweetness and brightness mingled with the pathos of 
irreparable loss, and that which was ever present, never clouded, was 
a fondness, a loveliness, love itself, pure and true forever, unendless 
and unchangeable as that said in the Bible of God — in the one sentence 
that shines before, above and beneath the rest, "God is Love." 

When Ida Saxton and William McKinley were married, she was 
remarkable for her endowments and accomplishments, the strength of 
her character, the divine and the "fatal" gift of beauty. She was a 
sprightly bride, whose father was the "first citizen" of the city of Can- 
ton, a most honorable title. He was a man of strength of will and char- 
acter, one who took command when he came to direct, and his daughter 
Ida was his idol. He was opposed to the way girls were educated, and 
had Ida trained in athletic exercises. It is especially a strange contrast 
that the gentle lady who shall live in history as the invalid wife of the 
President, the quiet, uncomplaining lady of the White House, weak as 
a child, but still strong as a child in winning grace, was in her early 
youth an athlete. Her father was not prejudiced against giving the 
young the advantages of travel, association and education in Europe, 

211 



212 THE HOME LIFE OF McEINLEY. 

and he sent her there, and when she returned he would have her for a 
clerk in his banking house, and through the window where her desk 
stood she saw every day marching up the street to his law office a 
young hero from the great war, who had won glory on the field of battle, 
and, fascinated with the strenuous life of warfare, desired to be a mili- 
tary man, but was dissuaded by his father, who was proud of his 
soldier son, but believed first in the ways of peace. And Ida and William 
— it is the old story and the sweet one — loved each other and were mar- 
ried, and the house in Canton, now famous forever, was the wedding 
present of the first citizen to his daughter, and there they spent their 
earliest honeymoon, for all the moons of their lives were beautiful to 
them. Two Children, Kate and Ida, came to them and tarried but a 
little while when the angels came and carried them away. The angels 
of the house were taken almost in company, for the younger lingered 
but a few days later than her sister, and the mother's health was shat- 
tered and she became what the world has known, and more than the 
world can know ; and the childless couple gave their love to each other 
as they mingled their sorrows, and they became to each other more 
and more as the years came with burdens and honors, but over 
all the homes there was the shadow of a cloud that will pass away when 
the strong man who has gone before the delicate woman welcomes her 
in the white light that abides, and the family circle is complete in the 

perfect day. 

When that excellent and admirable woman, the wife of President 
Hayes, was in the White House there was a young Congressman from 
the same State who was a comrade of President Hayes in the fierce 
battles in the valley of Virginia and at South Mountain and Antietam, 
and whenever the tide of battle rolled with many thunders to and fro 
along the Shenandoah and the Blue Kidge. The Colonel of the Twenty- 
third Ohio Volunteer Infantry had marked William McKinley when 
he was in the ranks with a musket for near two years, and he knew his 
capacity and, sought to give the regiment and the country the benefit of 
promotion for gallant service as an enlisted man. The White House 
was one of the homes of Mr. and Mrs. McKinley, when the Major was 
in his congressional career. 

In the Ebbitt House was arranged the Congressman's office, with 
books and documents, where as a public man he saw constituents and 
the friends that came from broader spaces. On the other side was the 



TEE HOME LIFE OF McKINLEY. 213 

invalid wife. The rooms were at the end of a hall looking upon Four- 
teenth street, and with the doors open on both sides the wife could knit 
and the husband write. 

When he and Mrs. McKinley entered the White House and the 
Executive mansion became their home, they were not strangers there, 
for they had for years been guests always sure of welcome that was 
full of friendship and affection. Owing to the Spanish war President 
McKinley spent a great deal of the summer time, because it was a mili- 
tary necessity, in Washington. Whenever in the White House the one 
certain thing was that if he was seen Mrs. McKinley was not far away. 
In the summer his retreat in the evening with his cigar and friends was 
the- South Portico, which was designed to be the front of the house, 
overlooking the Potomac. But the people have had their own way in 
W'ashington, as was constitutional and becoming. It was the grand 
design when the Capitol was located that Washington city should grow 
eastward, but the White House was placed a mile west and the growth 
ran that way. The South Portico of the White House was sometimes a 
good place to test the Potomac mosquito, and it took a good deal of 
cigar smoke to drive the enterprising insect away. 

The President's way of speaking to his wife was to call her "Ida," 
and as he called there was music in his voice. There was not only love 
in his tone, but a fine deference, and her pale face always brightened 
when he called her name. One summer's day in Canton, it was the 18th 
of June, 1896, Waterloo Day, there were a score of guests at the Mc- 
Kinley home, and a great commotion was going on at St. Louis. Gov- 
ernor McKinley, he was called then, had been sitting at his desk on one 
side of the hall with half a dozen men around, and his wife wa« in 
her parlor across the hall surrounded by ladies, among them the Major's 
revered mother. As the President waited and marked a card on which 
were printed the names of the States and numbers of electoral votes 
they had, he was computing the number of votes the several candidates 
for the Presidency were receiving. A veteran observer by his side 
noticed that he was humming low and softly an air — and it was "Ban- 
nockburn"— the Scotch war blood telling. The Major did not know he 
was singing "Welcome to your gory bed, or to glorious victory." Over 
the wires came the Ohio vote, "William McKinley 42 votes," and the 
Major arose and crossed the hall and, bending over his wife, said, "Ida, 
the vote of Ohio has nominated me." She kissed him and he turned to 



214 THE HOME LIFE OF McKINLET. 

his mother, who put her arms around his neck, kissed him, shed a few 
tears, and said something that was for him alone. At this moment there 
sounded the first of one hundred guns, and the clamor of steam 
whistles, the joyous clang of many bells, and ten thousand people 
ran for the McKinley home. I 

There was a time a few years ago that, suddenly and out of a clear 
sky, there lowered upon William McKinley a dark storm cloud that 
seemed certain for a time to sweep away from him the ambition to be 
maintained among the few immortals — to hold the great office of our 
great country — the Presidency of the United States. He had a friend 
Tvho had been good to him, and trusted him so as to confer a sense of 
obligation it was not unpleasing to feel, and that it would be a grateful 
thing to aid in return. His friend had ill-fortune and the then Gov- 
ernor McKinley supported the friend by assisting him — "going security." 
There was a crash, and all the savings that had been thriftily accumu- 
lated and carefully handled were wiped out. Mrs. McKinley instantly 
offered freely her whole fortune inherited from her father, and it was 
enough to pay all obligations. The resolve of William McKinley himself 
was to abandon public life and devote himself to paying his debts by 
giving his whole time to the law business. He felt amply able to do this, 
and no doubt the task would have been accomplished, for McKinley 
was a strong man and had the confidence of the people. He was a good 
lawyer. There were business engagements open to him, and his mind 
was made up to pay debts first of all, and that was incompatible with 
politics. There must be no more office-holding or seelqng. But he had 
friends who felt the country at large had a great interest in the continu- 
ance of the public life of McKinley. Three or four of them got together 
and formed a committee, unknown to the Governor, and there were many 
who thought it would be a privilege to aid the Governor to pay the obliga- 
tion that represented gratitude and generosity. This was an easy task 
to perform. The matter was taken out of the Governor's hands. The 
first thing was to refuse Mrs. McKinley's money, and the next to mention 
the accomplished fact that there was no impediment, but the Governor 
could when he would, as he did, pay his debts; and the country owes the 
managers of this affair a debt for the delicacy and energy they 
displayed and the deftness with which they set aside self-sacrificing 
purposes of Mrs. and Mr. McKinley, for it would have been agreeable and 



TBE BOMB LIFE OF McKI^LEY. 215 

delightful for both of them to have put public cares away and been happy 
in each other's happiness. 

There never was more flagrant injustice done man or woman than 
in that public feeling sometimes breaking out under the cultivation of 
the hostile feeling and reckless fancies of those who were unfriendly 
to the McKinleys. It has been assumed, because Mrs. McKinley was like 
a child in her unaffected expressions, her swift flashes of conversation, 
and her boundless confidence. One may say she was just a little irritable 
when she felt her husband was not appreciated up to her standard, 
which was a very high and exclusive one. He was her hero, her lover, 
the ever kind and gentle and fond true lover, and it kindled the poetry 
and the ambition in her to know that her husband was one honored 
throughout the earth. That only declared that people knew him as 
he was. The stars differ in their glory, and yet there was but one that 
shone for her forever from a serene and cloudless sky. It was the morn- 
ing and evening star for her, and its rays were fair as the sunshine and 
mild as the moonlight for her. Her husband's eyes, that she looked 
into with love, shone back at her with equal love and adoration. It 
was often said that he sacrificed himself for her, but that was only 
true in one sense and if he was making a sacrifice he never knew it^ 
and would not have cared if he had known. It was sometimes feared 
by those who knew her husband well, that she needed in the colder 
seasons to be in so wajm an atmosphere, that he was in it so much 
that it made him susceptible to colds, and it was feared that his habitual 
living in rooms more heated than would have been the better for him, 
might do him an injury. But it was not his own comfort he thought of. 
If his wife was well for her to be, that was happiness and healthfulness 
for him, and she was always sweet as summer to him and for him. If 
some cynic or skeptic ever thought he played a part in his beautiful 
attentions to his wife, the idea of anything artistic would have van- 
ished forever in a single day's journey with the happy couple. Nat- 
urally the President w^as much occupied, meeting friends, responding 
to courtesies, making the correct acknowledgments for the good will 
lavished upon him, but however occupied, though the throng was great, 
and the pressure upon him ceaseless, he found time very often to be at 
her side, to invite her consideration for something or to somebody, 
some gift of flowers, some group of children, or of ladies curious to see 
her and pleased with her enchanting smile and bow that told her pleas- 



216 TEE HOME LIFE OF McKINLBY. 

ure, and her manner that sincere as the kindly light of her eyes, or the 
glances and high-toned politeness to which she responded, as if to say 
it was not so much after all that she had no will but that of her husband 
and that her wishes were but a reflection of his. There was an error in 
this that might be forgiven if true, but she was well capable of having 
her will and way. She had one ambition that stirred her to execution 
— it was to be a helper of her husband, to do her part in the functions 
that pertained to his exalted office, and the fact that he was her husband 
and was the brighter and'stronger when she was nigh. That was just as 
certain as that she lived for him. Indeed, they aided each other to live, 
so that when apart they could not have been the same as together. Two 
instances may be cited of Mrs. McKinley's exercise of her sovereignty. 
It was a dark and rainy morning on the west shore of Lake Champlain. 
There was gloom on the sky and dashing showers, at intervals almost 
a tempest, with torrents falling, as is in summer time the capricious way 
of the New England and New York mountains. It had been arranged 
that the President and Mrs, McKinley, Vice President Hobart and Mrs. 
Hobart, Mrs. Alger, wife of the Secretary of War, and others were to 
travel by two lines of rails — one common gauge and the other narrow 
— changing cars, of course, out into the Adirondacks, to visit the grave 
of old John Brown and see the lands and lakes, the streams and the 
forested peaks that mingle so many attractions. It seemed like a most 
unsuitable day for such an expedition. The President did not feel sure 
that his wife should go, and others were positive in saying the visit 
should be made another time, but Mrs. McKinley said to go, of 
course; there should not be a day lost; it would not, in all 
probability, rain all day, that there would be sunshine enough af- 
ter a while. Her word carried, and she was prophetic about 
the weather. The other incident promised to be recited as testimony 
was of a broader bearing and had in it a tragic association. Among her 
hard trials was the loss of a beloved brother, who was the subject 
and victim of a wild spirit of vindictiveness. The President was en- 
gaged at the time to make an excursion, and she was to be with him, of 
course, into the States of the Northwest. It was out of the question 
under the circuir stances for her to make the journey. She was, for one 
thing, grieved deeply by the death of her brother — by the dreadful 
stroke of deadly misfortune. Her rule of life was to say, in the words 
of Ruth, "Whithersoever thou goest I will go," and the President was 



TEE HOME LIFE OF McKINLEY. 217 

unwilling to leave her, but she arose to the occasion. They were in the 
city of Chicago, and she found what her duty was clearly, as she under- 
stood it, and told him she would stay and he must go— it was her duty 
to stay and his to go. She took the initiative and changed his purpose, 
and, with tears in his eyes, he did as she said ; and then, as. she said, she 
could have done it "only for his sake," and it is "for his sake" that she 
strives to bear her grief and live on. On his death bed he inspired her to 
do this when they had their last interview, and after as brave a struggle 
as was ever endured he felt at length the failure of his strength and said, 
"Thy will be done." 

The injustice to William McKinley that has seemed to those who 
have known him well enough to be sure of it— the most aggravating that 
has been conceived or continued— is trajislating the heroism and energy, 
the glory of achievement, of his life, the fame that has filled the world, 
the apparently easy tasks have been fashioned so smoothly that 
the proportions of that which has been achieved are undervalued. 
There is even yet something lacking in full understanding, that though 
there have been men of high qualities, masters of many forces about 
him, still the wonderfully successful Administration that will go down 
to the refnotest generation in his name, and that rightfully and glori- 
ously, has been his handiwork. 

He saved the Cabinet by his personal services in the three Depart- 
ments that especially felt the pressure of the war, and we speak of the 
executive offices where the friction was; and among those who lent help- 
ing hands when and where most needed were Roosevelt, Corbin and 
Day ; and this was before the Cabinet reached the harmony of organiza- 
tion and the efficiency of a system symmetrical in itself of the latter 
years. As a War President McKinley was of the first rank, and if the 
emergency had been greater there would have been a greater glory 
gained. Like other great men who have done great good works 
quietly, he has been fortunate in his education and friends, in the local- 
ity in which he was born, in a nest of industry in immediate touch with 
the resources that have been transmuted into immense prosperity, and in 
this relation he encountered men growing out of the same soil and 
atmosphere, and it has been glorious to work with him. There are 
ample spaces for those friends in the history of those who have wrought 
success with honor. There is an era in our country that will be known 
as that of McKinley. His character will stand forth in beauty backed 



218 THE BOMB LIFE OF McKINLEr. 

by the majesty of his accomplishments, and will wear the crown of 
martyrdom for his good faith and the wisdom and prosperity with which 
he has materially endowed the country, that will remember him with the 
same pathos that came with the remembrance of Garfield, and his fig- 
ure will be lifted up among the august group of Presidents among 
whom we recognize Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln and Grant. Room 
there for McKinley; and the pale face of his wife will be always in re- 
membrance for having placed around his illustrious life a halo of the 
radiant graces and sweetnesses of a fond and beautiful womanhood, 
which will be one of the choice traditions and histories that enrich the 
annals of the nation. 




IDA SAXTON (MRS. WILLIAM McKINLET). 





WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

The School Teacher— The Soldier— The Lawyer— The Governor. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

McKINLEY'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

Opens with Courteous Expressions to Foreign Representatives — Praises the Exposiaon — 
The Beneficent Use of the Telegraph in Peace and War — A Word for Reciprocal 
Treaties — A Flea for the Istluuian Canal and a Pacific Cable. 

For many reasons President McKinley's speech at the Pan-American 
Exposition, Thursday, September 5th, will be long remembered and hold 
a place in history. It was the last day of the President's activity, his 
last public utterance and one of the most important of his addresses, 
remarkable for its far and clear look into the future, the final expres- 
sion of his pride and happiness in the progress of the country, the 
prosperity of the people, and our standing as the foremost of the nations 
of the earth. This speech was the farewell address of President McKin- 
ley, and if it had been known to him that it was to be his leave-taking 
of his countrymen, it would hardly have been moi-e dignified and 
impressive. While this noble si)eech was being delivered, the appointed 
murderer, who gave him his mortal wound the next day, was gliding about 
the Exposition grounds seeking the opportunity to assassinate the Presi- 
dent. The knowledge of this circumstance will forever place upon this 
speech the distinction of delivery in the Valley of the Shadow of Death. 
It was a day on which his beloved wife was constantly with him. 

The President was received at the Exposition with all the ceremonial 
honors, civil and military, due to his office. 

Although the time announced for the departure of the President from 
the home of Mr. Milburn in Delaware avenue was 10 o'clock, crowds 
began to assemble in front of the house as early as 9 o'clock. A detail 
of police kept the crowd back from the sidewalk in front of the house, 
but those most eager to catch a glimpse of the President and Mrs. McKin- 
ley indiscriminately invaded the lawns of the adjoining residences, and 
some even went so far as to climb upon the verandas. 

Promptly at 10 o'clock the President emerged from the home of Mr. 
Milburn, Mrs. McKinley accompanying him, walking by his side with- 
out assistance. A burst of cheers greeted them, which the President 
acknowledged by bowing and raising his hat. 

13 221 



222 McKINLEY'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

An escort of mounted police and members of the signal corps sur- 
rounded the carriages, and the cavalcade set out for the Exposition 
grounds. 

At the entrance to the Exposition grounds the President was met by 
detachments of the United States marines and the Seacoast Artillery 
and the Sixty-fifth and Seventy-fourth New York Kegiments. A Presi- 
dent's salute of twenty-one guns was fired. The President was at once 
escorted to the stand erected in the esplanade, where probably the great- 
est crowd ever assembled there greeted him with repeated cheers. 

There was almost absolute quiet when President Milburn arose and 
introduced the President as follows: 

"Ladies and gentlemen, the President." 

The great audience then broke out with a mighty cheer, which con- 
tinued as President McKiidey arose, and it was some minutes before he 
was able to proceed. When quiet was restored the President spoke as 
follows : 

"I am glad to be again in the City of Buffalo and exchange greetings 
with her people, to whose generous hospitality I am not a stranger, and 
with whose good will I have been repeatedly and signally honored. 
To-day I have additional satisfaction in meeting and giving welcome to 
the foreign representatives assemMed here, whose presence and partici- 
pation in this Exposition have contributed in so marked a degree to its 
interests and success. 

"To the commissioners of the Dominion of Canada and the British 
colonies, the French colonies, the republics of Mexico and of Central 
and South America, and the commissioners of Cuba and Porto Kico, who 
share with us in this undertaking, we give the hand of fellowship and 
felicitate with them upon the triumphs of art, science, education, and 
manufacture which the old has bequeathed to the new century. 

"Expositions are the timekeepers of progress. They record the world's 
advancement. They stimulate the energy, enterprise, and intellect of the 
people and quicken human genius. They go into the home. They broaden 
and brighten the daily life of the people. They open mighty storehouses 
of information to the student. 

"Every exposition, great or small, has helped to some onward step. 
Comparison of ideas is always educational; and as such instructs the 
brain and hand of man. Friendly rivalry follows, which is the spur to 
industrial improvement^ the inspiration to useful invention and to high 



McEINLEY'8 FAREWELL ADDRE88. 223 

endeavor in all departments of human activity. It exacts a study of the 
wants, comforts, and even the whims of the people and recognizes the 
efficacy of high quality and new prices to win their favor. 

"The quest for trade is an incentive to men of business to devise, 
invent, improve, and economize in the cost of production. Business life, 
whether among ourselves or with other people, is ever a sharp struggle 
for success. It will be none the less so in the future. Without competi- 
tion we would be clinging to the clumsy and antiquated process of farm- 
ing and manufacture and the methods of business of long ago, and the 
twentieth would be no farther advanced than the eighteenth century. 
But though commercial competitors we are, commercial enemies we must 
not be. 

"The Pan-American Exposition has done its work thoroughly, present- 
ing in its exhibits evidences of the highest skill and illustrating the 
progress of the human family in the Western Hemisphere. This portion of 
the earth has no cause for humiliation for the part it has performed in 
the march of civilization. It has not accomplished everything; far from 
it. It has simply done its best, and without vanity or bashfulness, and, 
recognizing the manifold achievements of others, it invites the friendly 
rivalry of all the powers in the peaceful pursuits of trade and commerce, 
and will co-operate with all in advancing the highest and best interests 
of humanity. The wisdom and energy of all the nations are none too 
great for the world's work. The success of art, science, industry, and 
invention is an international asset and a common glory. 

"After all, how near one to the other is every part of the world! 
Modern inventions have brought into close relation widely separated 
peoples and made them better acquainted. Geographic and political 
divisions will continue to exist, but distances have been effaced. Swift 
ships and fast trains are becoming cosmopolitan. They invade fields 
which a few years ago were impenetrable. The world's products are 
changed as never before, and with increasing transportation facilities 
come increasing knowledge and trade. Prices are fixed with mathe- 
matical precision by supply and demand. The world's selling prices are 
regulated by market and crop reports. We travel greater distances in 
a shorter space of time and with more ease than was ever dreamed of 
by the fathers. 

"Isolation is no longer possible or desirable. The same important 
news is read, though in different languages, the same day in all Christen- 



224 McKIN LEY'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

dom. The telegraph keeps us advised of what is occurring everywhere, 
and the press foreshadows, with more or less accuracy, the plans and 
purposes of the nations. Market prices of products and of securities are 
hourly known in every commercial mart, and the investments of the 
people extend beyond their own national boundaries into the remotest 
parts of the earth. 

"Vast transactions ai'e conducted and international exchanges are 
made by the tick of the cable. Every event of interest is immediately 
bulletined. The quick gathering and transmission of news, like rapid 
transit, are of recent origin, and are only made possible by the genius 
of the inventor and the courage of the investor. 

"It took a special messenger of the Government with every facility 
known at the time for rapid transit nineteen days to go from the City of 
Washington to New Orleans with a message to General Jackson that 
the war with England had ceased and a treaty of peace had been signed. 
How different now. 

"We reached General Miles in Porto Rico by cable and he was able 
through the military telegraph to stop his army on the firing line with 
the message that the United States and Spain had signed a protocol sus- 
I)ending hostilities. We knew almost instantly of the first shots fired at 
Santiago, and the subsequent surrender of the Spanish forces was known 
at Washington within less than an hour of its consummation. The first 
ship of Cervera's fleet was hardly emerged from that historic harbor 
when the fact was flashed to our capital, and the swift destruction that 
followed was announced immediately through the wonderful medium 
of telegraphy. 

"So accustomed are we to safe and easy communication with distant 
lands that its temporary interruption even in ordinai-y times results in 
loss and inconvenience. We shall never forget the days of anxious wait- 
ing and aAvful suspense when no information was permitted to be sent 
from Pekin, and the diplomatic representatives of the nations in China, 
cut off from all communication inside and outside of the walled capital, 
were surrounded by an angry and misguided mob that threatened their 
lives; nor the joy that thrilled the world when a single message from 
the Government of the United States brought through our Minister the 
first news of the safety of the besieged diplomats. 

"At the beginning of the nineteenth century there was not a mile of 
steam railroad on the globe. Now there are enough miles to make its 



.'.n^i'i;; {■^j.,Jlir:Uk^tiH'K<M:'uJ'^tii 



McEINLEY'8 FAREWELL ADDRESS. 225 

circuit many times. Then there was not a line of electric telegraph; 
now we have a vast mileage traversing all lands and all seas. God and 
man have linked the nations together. No nation can longer be indiffer- 
ent to any other. And as we are brought more and more in touch with 
each other the less occasion is there for misunderstanding and the 
stronger the disposition, when we have differences, to adjust them in the 
court of arbitration, which is the noblest forum for the settlement of 
international disputes. 

"My fellow citizens, trade statistics indicate that this country is in 
a state of unexampled prosperity. The figures are almost appalling. 
They show that we are utilizing our fields and forests and mines and 
that we are furnishing profitable employment to the millions of work- 
ingmen throughout the United States, bringing comfort and happiness to 
their homes and making it possible to lay by savings for old age and 
disability. 

"That all the people are participating in this great prosperity is seen 
in every American community and shown by the enormous and unprece- 
dented deposits in our savings banks. Our duty is the care and security 
of these deposits, and their safe investment demands the highest integrity 
and the best business capacity of those in charge of these depositories of 
the people's earnings. 

"We have a vast and intricate business built up through years of toil 
and struggle, in which every pa.rt of the country has its stake, which will 
not permit of either neglect or of undue selfishness. No narrow, sordid 
policy will subserve it. The greatest skill and wisdom on the part of the 
manufacturers and producers will be required to hold and increase it. 

"Our industrial enterprises which have grown to such great propor- 
tions affect the homes and occupations of the people and the welfare of 
the country. Our capacity to produce has developed so enormously and 
our products have so multiplied that the problem of more markets 
requires our urgent and immediate attention. 

"Only a broad and enlightened policy will keep what we have. No 
other policy will get more. In these times of marvelous business energy 
and gain we ought to be looking to the future, strengthening the weak 
places in our industrial and commercial systems that we may be ready 
for any storm or strain. 

"By the sensible trade arrangements which will not interrupt our 
home production, we shall extend the outlets for our increasing surplus. 



226 McKINLEY'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

"A system which provides a mutual exchange of commodities is mani- 
festly essential to the continued healthful growth of our export trade. 
We must not- repose in fancied security that we can forever sell every- 
thing and buy little or nothing. If such a thing were possible it would 
not be best for us or for those with whom we deal. We should take from 
our customers such of their products as we can use without harm to our 
industries and labor. 

"Reciprocity is the natural outgrowth of our wonderful industrial 
development under the domestic policy now firmly established. What 
we produce beyond our domestic consumption must have a vent abroad. 
The excess must be relieved through a foreign outlet, and we should sell 
everywhere we can, and buy wherever the buying will enlai-ge our sales 
and productions, and thereby make a greater demand for home labor. 

"The period of exclusiveness is past. The expansion of our trade and 
commerce is the pressing problem. Commercial wars are unprofitable. A 
policy of good will and friendly trade relations will prevent reprisals. 
Reciprocity treaties are in harmony with the spirit of the times ; meas- 
ures of retaliation are not. 

"If, perchance, some of our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue 
or to encourage and protect our industries at home, why should they not 
be employed to extend and promote our markets abroad? 

"Then, too, we have inadequate steamship service. New lines of 
steamers have already been put in commission between the Pacific coast 
ports of the United States and those on the western coasts of Mexico and 
Central and South America. These should be followed up with direct 
steamship lines between the eastern coast of the United States and South 
American ports. 

"One of the needs of the times is direct commercial lines from our 
vast fields of production to the fields of consumption that we have but 
barely touched. Next in advantage to having the thing to sell is to have 
the convenience to carry it to the buyer. 

"We must encourage our merchant marine. We must have more 
ships. They must be under the American flag, built and manned and ^ 

owned by Americans. These will not only be profitable in a commercial 
sense, they will be messengers of peace and amity wherever they go. 

"We must build the Isthmian Canal, which will unite the two oceans 
and give a straight line of water communication with the western coasts 



■■ , ;..'>L:,'.'i'Ai'.ii.4j/ic.J>.'ti 



McKINLEY'S FAREWELL ADDRE88. 227 

of Central and South America and Mexico. The construction of a 
Pacific cable cannot be longer postponed. 

"In the furtherance of these objects of national interest and concern 
you are performing an important part. This exposition would have 
touched the heart of that American statesman whose mind was ever alert 
and thought ever constant for a larger commerce and a truer fraternity 
of the republics of the new world. His broad American spirit is felt and 
manifested here. He needs no identification to an assembly of Americans 
anywhere, for the name of Blaine is inseparably associated with the 
Pan-American movement which finds this practical and substantial 
expression, and which we all hope will be firmly advanced by the Pan- 
American congress that assembles this autumn in the capital of Mexico. 

"The good work will go on. It cannot be stopped. These buildings 
will disappear; this creation of art, and beauty, and industry will 
perish from sight, but their influence will remain to 

Make it live beyond its too short living 
With praises and thanksgiving. 

"Who can tell the new thoughts that have been awakened, the ambi- 
tions fired, and the high achievements that will be wrought through this 
exposition? Gentlemen, let us ever remember that our interest is in con- 
cord, not conflict, and that our real eminence rests in the victories of 
peace, not those of war. We hope that all who are represented here may 
be moved to higher and nobler effort for their own and the world's good, 
and that out of this city may come not only greater commerce and trade 
for us all, but more essential than these, relations of mutual respect, 
confidence, and friendship, which will deepen and endure. 

"Our earnest prayer is that God will gi-aciously vouchsafe prosperity, 
happiness, and peace to all our neighbors and like blessings to all the 
people and powers of the earth." 

The President's speech was frequently interrupted with applause, 
his words referring to the establishment of reciprocal treaties with other 
countries, the necessity of the American people building an Isthmian 
canal and a Pacific cable, and his reference to the work of Blaine in 
develcwping the Pan-American idea bringing forth especially enthusias- 
tic cheers. 

Upon the conclusion of the address a large number of people broke 



228 McKINLEY'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 

tkrougli the lines around the stand, and the President held an impromptu 
reception for fifteen minutes, shaking hands with thousands. 

The carriages were then brought to the steps of the stand, and the 
President, accompanied by the diplomatic corps and specially invited 
guests, was taken to the stadium. When the President arrived there at 
11 :45 that structure was crowded to the last inch of standing-room. The 
troops stood at attention, while the President, accompanied by Colonel 
Chapin and the officers in command, reviewed them. Cheer after cheer 
from the vast assemblage greeted the Chief Executive as he walked from 
one end of the tribune to the other and back to the reviewing stand. 

The troops then marched past the stand and performed intricate 
maneuvers for fifteen minutes. 

Mrs. McKinley left that stand at the conclusion of the speechmaking 
and was taken to the Women's Building, where she was entertained by 
the women managers. 

From the stadium the President proceeded to the Canadian Building, 
where he was met by the Canadian Commissioners and viewed the Cana- 
dian exhibits. He next visited the Agricultural Building, where he was 
met by such foreign commissioners as have no buildings of their own, 
but have exhibits in that building. From the Agricultural Building he 
visited in order the buildings of Honduras, Cuba., Chile, Mexico, Domin- 
ican Republic, Porto Rico, and Ecuador, where he was received by the 
commissioners of the respective countries. 

The President and Mrs. McKinley visited the grounds that evening 
to view the illumination and fireworks. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

PRESIDEN " McKINLEY'S FUNERAL AT BUFFALO, WASHING- 
TON AND CANTON. 

The Last Ylew of the Martyr President's Face— Pathetic Scenes of Sorrow — The Simple 
Solemnities at Buffalo and the Tremendous Outpourings of People — A Sombre Day at 
Washington — The Farewell to President McKinley at Canton. 

The funeral of William McKinley really began in the house where 
he died, on Sunday morning, September 15th, at eleven o'clock, and was 
continued for a week. In the drawing room of the Milburn House the 
casket lay. It had been caruied down from the upper room where Mr. 
McKinley had breathed his last and was placed between two windows 
in the library. The silken folds of an American flag were drawn about 
the bier. 

The upper lid was drawn back and the face bared for the parting 
gaze of those who were soon to assemble. Red roses, white chrysanthe- 
mums and wreaths of purple violets lay at the foot of the bier. At the 
doors and windows opening into the library stood soldiers and marines, 
the guardians of the dead. Before the ceremony Mrs. McKinley was led 
into the chamber by her physician. Dr. Rixey, and had sat awhile alone 
with him who had supported and comforted her through all their years 
of wedded life. 

Her support was gone, but she had not broken down. Dry-eyed, she 
gazed upon him. She fondled his face. She did not seem to realize 
he was dead. 

President Roosevelt then came and stood near the casket. There 
had been a wait of a minute for this. Then the President advanced one 
step. He bowed his head and looked. Long he gazed, standing immov- 
able, save for a twitching of the muscles of the chin. At last he stepped 
back. Tears were in his eyes as he went to the chair reserved for him. 

Another dramatic scene came when the service was over and the 
Rev. Mr. Locke had pronounced the benediction. Before any one had 
moved, and while there was the same perfect stillness, Senator Hanna, 
who had not before found courage to look upon the dead face of his 

229 



230 PRESIDENT McKINLET'8 FUNERAL. 

friend, stepped out from where he had been standing behind Governor 
Odell. It was his last chance to see the features of President McKinley, 
There was a look on his face that told more than sobs would have done. 
It was the look of a man whose grief was pent up within him. 

The Senator had quite a few steps to take to get to the head of the 
casket. When he got to the head of the bier, by President Roosevelt, 
he stood with his head resting on his breast and his hands clasped 
behind his back, looking down on the face of his friend. He stood there 
possibly a minute, but to every one it seemed more like five. No one 
stirred while he stood. The scene was beyond expression. 

As the Senator turned his head around, those in the room saw his 
face, and there were tears trickling down it. One of the Cabinet mem- 
bers put out his arm and the Senator instinctively seemed to follow it. 
He went between Secretary Long and Attorney-General Knox and sat 
down in a chair near the wall; then he bowed his head. 

Mrs. McKinley sat at the head of the stairs, a wan, white figure, in 
a black gown, listening to every song and spoken word, to hymns and 
prayers. The new President stood at the head of the dead President 
and grouped around the coffin were the members of the cabinet and the 
members of the family and Senator Hanna. The services consisted of 
two hymns, a chapter from the Bible, a prayer — all lasting twenty-five 
minutes. 

The chapter read was 1 Corinthians. The Doctor read it to the con- 
clusion. 

There was a moment's pause after he had finished, and then_the 
quartet sang the four verses of that other hymn, so dear to the man 
about whose bier the mournex's stood, that as he passed into the last 
unconsciousness, his lips formed its words after the strength to speak 
had gone. 

Silently the assembled men and women framed with their lips the 
words of "Nearer, My God, to Thee," as the choir sang it through. Dr. 
Locke raised his hands as the music died away. He made this eloquent 
appeal: "Let us pray: 

"O God, our help in ages past. 

Our hope for years to come. 
Our shelter from the stormy blast 

And our eternal home." 






PRESIDENT McKINLEY'8 FUNERAL. 231 

The following official statement was given the press: 

"In compliance with the earnest wishes of Mrs. McKinley that the 
body of her husband shall rest in her home at Canton Wednesday night, 
the following changes in the obsequies of the late President will be 
made: 

"Funeral services in the rotunda of the capitol will be held Tuesday 
morning on the arrival of the escort which will accompany the remains 
from the White House. 

"The body of the late President will lie in state in the rotunda for 
the remainder of Tuesday and will be escorted to the railroad station 
Tuesday evening. The funeral train will leave Washington at or about 
8 o'clock Tuesdav evening and thus will arrive at Canton during the 
day Wednesday. "^ "JOHN HAY, 

"Secretary of State. 
"ELIHU ROOT, 

Secretary of War. 
"JOHN D. LONG, 

"Secretarv of the Navy. 
"HENRY F. MACFARLAND, 
"President of the Board of Commissioners of the District of Columbia." 

Prior to the issuing of the foregoing announcement Secretary Hay 
had issued a formal statement substantially as follows: 

"The remains of the late President of the United States, after lying 
in state in the city hall of Buffalo during the afternoon of Sunday, 
September 15, will be removed to Washington by special train on 
Monday, September 16, leaving Buffalo at 8:30 a. m. and reaching 
Washington at 9 p. m. 

"The remains will then be carried, under the auspices of a squadron 
of United States cavalry, to the executive mansion, where they will rest 
until o'clock in the morning of Tuesday, September 17. 

"They will then be carritMl to the capitol, accompanied by a military 
and civil escort, the details of which will be given in a separate notice. 
The remains will there lie in state. 

"No ceremonies are expected in the cities and towns along the route 
of the funeral train beyond the tolling of bells." 

There were three remarkable funerals of President McKinley: in 
Buffalo, the city where the assassin slew him; Washington City, where 
was his post of public duty, filling the office the most exalted in the 
country and the most varied and vast in its potentialities in the world; 
and Canton, Ohio, th^ city of his home, where his father and mother 



232 



PRESIDENT McKINLEY'8 FUNERAL. 



and children are buried. The route of the funeral train from Buffalo 
to Washington and from Washington to Canton, is made plain below: 



H El v; 

V O R K. 



'CmnoH 




Route of the Funeral Train Bearing the Body op President McKinley. 



Mrs. McKinley seemed to have found strength in the last days of her 
sorrows in Buffalo. She seemed to be lifted up by the masterful kindli- 
ness of her husband, who turned to her as he was passing away. It is 
infinitely pathetic that the President, when shot, first thought of her, 
and commanded that she should as far as possible be saved from the 
dreadful knowledge, and when at length his failure of force to rally 
appeared to him, he sent for her, and they clasped hands and had their 



PRESIDENT McKINLEY'8 FUNERAL. 233 

simple and sublime good-bye talk. In a few words he gave Christendom 
a new chapter and song of faith and love, and she was able to go 
away exalted to endure. When she know she was to go away in a 
funeral train, she was brought to an awful realization of her loss, and 
the strain became beyond her fortitude, and she had paroxysms of 
weeping and could not be comforted. Her jouraey from Buffalo to 
Washington and the return to Canton was like a hideous dream. It 
was in Niagara Square, Buffalo, that the public gathered to honor the 
dead before the departure for Washington. The funeral train was 
run according to the wish of Mrs. McKinley, that the body of her 
husband should rest in her home at Canton Wednesday night, and 
changes were made accordingly. 

Solemn and impressive, full of the lessons that the President had 
sought to live out in their fullness, there was no pomp or circumstance 
to the closing scenes in the now famous Milburn house. 

With the sacred hymns that had been his favorite music, with the 
loving words of those who had known him only to love him, with just 
a few of the nearest and the dearest of the countless men and women 
who had been proud to call him their friend gathered at the side of his 
bier, the noble victim of a wanton wretch was prepared for his last 
journey. 

Then the casket was closed over its precious burden and borne 
through the streets of the city to where the multitude might pass in one 
long, sad procession for the last view of the kindly face, and ninety 
thousand people availed themselves of the opportunity when the move- 
ment from the historical house was begun. Senator Hanna was the 
last man to look upon the President's face, and saw it thinned and 
stern lines seemingly engraven in it, while the Senator looked weary 
and aged. The casket was closed and the soldiers and sailors advanced 
from the points where they had been stationed. Lifting it gently on 
their broad shoulders they slowly began their solemn march to the 
hearse, which stood waiting outside. Close behind the casket followed 
President Roosevelt, with Secretary Root on his left and the other 
members of the Cabinet following. Slowly, very slowly, they took their 
way into the hall, out of the front door, down the steps and down the 
walk to the hearse, while the band posted across the street softly played, 
"Nearer, My God, to Thee." 



234 PRESIDENT McKINLEY'8 FUNERAL. 

Nearer, my God, to Thee, 

Nearer to Thee; 
E'en though it be a cross, 

That raiseth me, 
Still all my song shall be 
Nearer, my God, to Thee! 
Nearer, my God, to Thee, 

Nearer to Thee. 

Tho' like the wanderer, 

The sun gone down, 
Darkness be over me, 

My rest a stone; 
Yet in my dreams I'd be 
Nearer, my God, to Thee! 
Nearer, my God, to Thee, 

Nearer to Thee. 

There let the way appear, 

Steps unto heaven; 
All that Thou send'st to me, 

In mercy given. 
Angels to beckon me. 
Nearer, my God, to Thee! 
Nearer, my God, to Thee, 

Nearer to Thee. 

Then with my waking thoughts 
Bright with Thy praise. 

Out of my stony griefs 
Bethel I'll raise; 

So by my woes to be 

Nearer, my God, to Thee! 

Nearer, my God, to Thee, 
Nearer to Thee. 

Or if on joyful wing. 

Cleaving the sky. 
Sun, moon and stars forgot. 

Upward I fly. 
Still all my song shall be, 
Nearer, my God, to Thee! 
Nearer, my God, to Thee, 

Nearer to Thee. 



PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S FUNERAL. 235 

In the first carriage President Roosevelt, Secretary Root, Postmas- 
ter-General Smith and Attorney-General Knox took seats, and started 
out on their long drive to the city hall. In the second carriage sat 
Secretaries Wilson, Hitchcock and Long and Secretary Cortelyou. Gen- 
eral Brooke sat alone in the third carriage, and Dr. and Mrs. Locke 
occupied the fourth. 

Then came the hearse, drawn by four great, black horses. Walking 
beside the hearse were the active pallbearers, the soldiers and marines 
and a detail from the Grand Army of the Republic following close 
behind. Next came a company of marines from Camp Haywood at the 
Pan-American Exposition, then the Sixty-fifth Regiment Band, a com- 
pany of the Fourteenth Regiment stationed at Fort Porter, a company 
each from the Sixty-fifth and Seventy-fourth regiments and a detail 
of sailors and marines from the steamship Michigan. 

The funeral cortege left the Milburn house at 11 :45 o'clock. Slowly 
and solemnly, in time to the funeral march, it moved between two 
huge masses of men, women and children, stretching away two miles 
and a half to the city hall. Nearly two hours were required to traverse 
the distance. 

Fully fifty thousand people saw it pass. They were packed into 
windows, perched on roofs, massed on verandas, and compressed into 
solid masses covering the broad sidewalks and grass plots. 

Directly above the spot where the coffin was to lie there was a dome 
of black bunting, within which hung straight down above the coffin 
four American flags, forming with their lower edges a cross which 
pointed to the four points of the compass. 

President Roosevelt and the Cabinet ranged themselves about the 
spot where the body was to rest. Mr. Roosevelt stood at the foot of 
the coffin on its right hand, with Secretary Root opposite and facing 
him. On President Roosevelt's left were Attorney-General Knox, Sec- 
retary Long and Secretary Wilson. On Mr. Root's right hand were 
Postmaster-General Smith, Secretary Hitchcock and Mr. Cortelyou. 

The casket's upper half was open. The lower half was draped in 
a flag upon which were masses of red and white roses. The body of 
the President lay on its back and was clad in a black frock coat, with 
the left hand resting across the breast. One glance at the face, start- 
lingly changed from its appearance in life, told the story of the suffer- 
ing which had been endured. 



236 PRESIDENT McKINLEY'8 FUNERAL. 

More than twice as many as could hope to get through the lines in 
that time came from all over western New York until fully 200,000 
were massed during the morning. In the face of such a concourse the 
limit was extended, but the patient thousands did not know it. They 
merely stayed on through the storms and hoped. 

For nearly ten hours they streamed through the city hall corridor 
where the President lay, passing in two lines which formed faster than 
they melted. Ten thousand an hour flowed past until weather and 
physical collapse wore out other thousands and the thinned lines ended 
at eleven o'clock at night. 

In preparation for the arrival at Washington the sergeant-at-arms 
had the catafalque which supported the remains of Lincoln, Garfield 
and other statesmen brought out of the crypt. It was covered with 
new black cloth. Upon this gloomy furniture the remains of three 
murdered Presidents have been placed, the three most liberal, kind, 
gentle statesmen who ever filled the great office — all of them massa- 
cred for their virtues, their good will to man, and loyalty to the Con- 
stitution. 

Somber weather greeted the funeral train at Washington. The day 
on which the National Capital paid its last respects to the third mar- 
tyred President was the anniversary of the battle of Antietam, the 
bloodiest single day's fighting in the great civil war. This comparison 
is made between the pageantry on the ith of March last and the day 
of bereavement : 

The universal sadness was too deep to be turned back by the force 
of the elements, and the sorrowful multitudes which viewed the funeral 
pageant to-day were almost as great as those which, on a more joyous 
occasion, six months ago, saw President McKinley driven to the Capitol 
for his second inauguration. The weather on the two occasions was 
similar, with a. difference only in temperature, but the crowds which 
cheered and applauded on March 4 were silent and weeping to-day. 

The distance from the White House to the Capitol is one mile, and 
along the whole route of the funeral procession crowds packed the 
broad sidewalks from building to curb. Rain fell almost incessantly, 
but the numbers of spectators were continued undiminished during the 
hours while the melancholy parade was passing. 

There was nothing that recalled the reason of the procession more 
forcibly to mind than the tolling of bells. If anything had been needed 




PHILIP H. SHERIDAN 

This book, on the life of William McKinley. woiil(i not be complete without 
a picture of ■■Phil" H. Sheridan. At the end of Sheridan's ride from Winchester, 
to the sound of the Confederate guns, slowly driving the U. S. Army and desper- 
ately striving to put it to rout, the first soldier who met him and gave a clear 
account of the fight, and spread the news that Sheridan was on the field was 
William McKinley. 



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PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S FUNERAL. 239 

to subdue the minds of the crowds, it should have been found in this 
tolling. From the moment the strokes began, at the start of the pro- 
cession from the White House, the great crowds were hushed. 

So great was the desire of those in every walk of life who assembled 
for the purpose to see the body of the late President lying in state 
that a tremendous crush occurred under the shadow of the tall white 
dome. As a result many pei-sons were injured, some perhaps fatally, 
and a scene was enacted on the broad piazza in fi'ont of the Capitol that 
struck horror to the hearts of those who saw it. 

As the sweet notes of Mr. McKinley's favorite hymn, "Lead, Kindly 
Light," floated through the great rotunda the assemblage rose to its 
feet. Bared heads were bowed and eyes streamed with tears. At the 
close of the hymn, as the Rev. Dr. Naylor, presiding elder of the Wash- 
ington district, rose to offer prayer, the hush that fell upon the people 
was profound. When, in ending, he repeated the immortal words of the 
Lord's prayer, the great audience joined solemnly with him. The mur- 
mur of their voices resembled the roll of far distant surf. 

Scarcely had the word amen been breathed when the liquid tone 
of that sweetly pleading song, "Some Time We'll Understand," went 
straight to the heart of every auditor. 

The venerable Bishop Edwin G. Andrews of Ohio, the oldest Bishop 
of the Methodist Episcopal Church, then took his position at the head 
of the bier. A gentle breeze through the rotunda stirred the delicate 
blooms which lay ui>on the coffin, and the "peace that passeth all under- 
standing" seemed to rest upon the venerable man's countenance as he 
began his eulogy of the life and works of William McKinley. His 
words were simple, but his whole heart was in every one of them. 

At the end of the sermon the audience, as if by prearrangement, 
joined the choir in singing "Nearer, My God, To Thee." All present 
seemed to be imbued with a sentiment of hallowed resignation as the 
divine blessing was asked by the Rev. W. H. Chapman, acting pastor 
of the Metropolitan M. E. Church, upon both the living and the dead. 

Mrs. McKinley, bereft of husband and prostrated by her overwhelm- 
ing sorrow, did not attend the services at the Capitol. It was deemed 
wise by those now nearest and dearest to her that she should not 
undergo the ordeal her attendance would entail upon her. She remained 
at the White House comforted by every attention that loving thought- 
fulness could suggest. 

14 



240 PRESIDENT McKINLEY'8 FUNERAL. 

One of the thousands of incidents showing the grief of the people 
over the death of McKinley occurred in Bridgeport, Conn., when tlie 
services on the Sunday after the President's death were interrupted 
by an outburst of sorrowful emotion. 

As the pastor ceased speaking, Mrs. F. H. Lyford, the soprano, 
started to lead the choir in the hymn, "Nearer, My God, To Thee," but 
faltered, and her voice sank to a whisper. She attempted the second 
time, but sank into a seat sobbing, The others in the quartet were so 
affected that they could not proceed. 

Soon Mrs. Lyford became hysterical, and the pastor went from the 
pulpit to the choir loft to quiet her. His efforts were unavailing, and 
Mrs. Lyford, still sobbing, was taken home. 

The congregation was affected almost as deeply as Mrs. Lyford, and 
it was ten minutes before the pastor could proceed with the service. 
After a few words Pastor Cheney was obliged to dismiss the congre- 
gation, and every member was weeping. 

There was placed upon the bier of the President at Washington a 
white shield in flowers, with the Eighth Army Corps badge in the center. 
This was in response to General Chaffee's cable: 

"Manila, September 15. — The officers and the soldiers of the Division 
of the Philippines beg the department to place an appropriate floral 
design on the bier of the President of the United States as a token of 
a great sorrow. They offer their deepest sympathy to Mrs. McKinley. 

"Chaffee." 

The train leaving Buffalo at 8:30 a. m., September 16th, reached 
Washington at 9 p. m. The remains were carried, under the escort of 
a squadron of United States cavalry, to the Executive Mansion, where 
they rested until 9 o'clock in the morning of Tuesday, September 17th, 
and were then carried to the Capitol, accompanied by a military and 
civil escort. 

The following special order was issued by the Navy Department : 

"Navy Department, 

,,^ • 1 /-v J -KT io "Washington, September 15. 

"Special Order No. 13: a > i 

"All officers on the active list of the navy and marine corps on duty 
in Washington will assemble in full dress uniform at 7:30 o'clock Mon- 
day evening, September 16th, at the Pennsylvania Railroad Station, for 
the purpose of meeting the remains of the late President of the United 
States. They will again assemble in the same uniform in the grounds 



I'.J^AMEAiuilliJ.'Mlii.tt 



PRESIDENT McKINLEY'8 FUNERAL. 241 

of the Executive Mansion and near tlie eastern gate at 9 a. m. on Tues- 
day, September 17th, to march as guard of honor in the procession from 
the Executive Mansion to the Capitol. They will again assemble in the 
same uniform at the east front of the Capitol at 1 o'clock p. m., Septem- 
ber 18th, to march as guard of honor in the procession from the Capitol 
to the Pennsylvania Kailroad Station. 

"The following special guard of honor is hereby appointed: The 
Admiral of the Navy, Rear Admiral A. S. Crowuinshield, Rear Admiral 
Charles O'Neil, Paymaster-General A. S. Kenny and Brigadier-Generai 
Charles Heyward, U. S. M. C. 

''The special guard of honor will assemble in special full dress uni- 
form at the Executive Mansion at 8 p. m., Monday, September 16th, to 
receive the remains of the late President, and will again assemble in 
the same uniform at the Capitol at 10 a. m., Tuesday, September 
17th. On Wednesday, September 18th, the special guard'of honor will 
assemble at the Pennsylvania Railroad Station at 2 p. m., and will 
thence accompany the remains of President McKinley to their final rest- 
ing place, in Canton, Ohio. 

"All officers of flag rank will constitute an additional special guard 
of honor and will assemble at the places hereinbefore mentioned for 
the special guard of honor. The additional special guard of honor will 
not, however, accompany the remains of the late President to Canton. 

"F. W. HACKETT, Acting Secretary." 

The following was the order of procession for Tuesday : 

SECTION 1. 

Funeral escort, under command of Major-General John R. Brooke, 

U. S. A. Artillery Band. 
Squadron of Cavalry. 
Battalion of Light Artillery. 
Company A, United States Engineers. 
Two Battalions Coast Artillery. 
Marine Band. 
Battalion of Marines. 
Battalion of United States Seamen. 
Brigade of National Guard of the District of Columbia. 

SECTION 2. 

CMvic Procession, under Command of Chief Marshal, Gen. Henry V. 

Boynton. 



242 



PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S FUNERAL. 



Clergymen in attendance. 

Physicians who attended the late President. 

Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States. 

Grand Army of the Republic. 



BEARERS. 



GUARD 

OF 
HONOR. 



HEARSE. 



GUARD 

OF 
HONOR. 



BEARERS. 



[Officers of the Army, Navy and Marine Corps, who were not 
on duty Avith the troops forming the escort, formed, in full dress, 
right in front, on either side of the hearse, the Army on the right and 
the Navy and Marine Corps on the left, and compose the Guard of 
Honor.] 

Family of the late President. 

Relatives of the late President. 

The Ex-President of the United States, 



SECTION 3. 

The President. 

Members of the Cabinet. 

The Diplomatic Corps. 

The Chief Justice and Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the 

United States. 

Senators of the United States. 

Members of the House of Representatives of the United States. 

Governors of the States and Territories, and the Commissioners of the 

District of Columbia. 
Judges of the Court of Claims, the Judiciary of the District of Columbia 

and Judges of the United States Courts. 
The Assistant Secretaries of State, Treasury, War, Navy, Interior and 

Agriculture. 
The Assistant Postmasters-General. 



PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S FUNERAL. 243 

The Solicitor-General and the Assistant Attorneys-General. 
Kepresentatives of the Departments and Commissions of the 

Government. 

Organized Societies. 

Citizens. 

The Military Guard escorted the remains from the Capitol to the 
railroad station. 

At the close of the day of the funeral of William McKinley at Can- 
ton, his home city, there was on the hillside in which the receiving 
vault is built a great mound of flowers, covering the hill. 

Amid impressive scenes the flag-covered, flower-laden cofiSn was car- 
ried through the gates of the tomb to wait until the time comes for it 
to be placed in its final resting place in the late President's family lot 
in the cemetery, where his father and mother, his brother and sister, 
and his two children are sleeping. A guard of United States soldiers 
will keep watch over the tomb. Their vigil has begun; a sentry is to 
pace through the nights to and fro before its grated fence. 

The McKinley burial plot is at the crest of a knoll, the highest spot 
in the old cemetery. It faces the main driveway and is prettily shaded 
by great oak trees. Fronting to the north and east is a bed of living 
plants into which has been worked "McKinley." The tombstones that 
have been erected there mark the tragedies of the President's life. In 
that plot are buried his father and his mother, a brother and a sister. 
There, too, lie buried the babes, sorrow because of whose death first 
caused Mrs. McKinley's break in health. 

Marking the graves of William McKinley the elder and of his wife, 
President McKinley's mother, are marble shafts of considerable size. 
Small granite obelisks stand at the head of the graves of the children. 
On the first is inscribed: 



IDA McKINLET, 

DAUGHTER OF WILLIAM AND IDA, 

DIED AUG. 23, 1873, 

. AGED FOUR MONTHS TWEN- 

TT-TWO DAYS. 



244 PRESIDENT McKINLEY'8 FUNERAL. 

On the second obelisk is inscribed : 



KATIE Mckinley, 

DAUGHTER OF WILLIAM AND IDA, 

DIED JUNE 25, 1875, 

AGED THREE YEARS AND SIX 

MONTHS. 



On still another tombstone is marked: 



ANNIE McKINLEY. 



On another: 



JAMES McKINLEY. 



These two were sister and brother of the President. The shafts for 
his father and mother are simply inscribed thus: 



WILLIAM McKINLEY, 1807-1892. 



N. A. McKINLEY, 1809-1897. 



There were more than one hundred thousand people present in Can- 
ton on the funeral day. 

The President of the United States, escorted by the same troop, A of 
Cleveland, which acted as the bodyguard of the President, McKinley, 
living and dead, started back to Washington, accompanied by his Cab- 
inet. 

With majestic solemnity, surrounded by his countrymen and his 
townspeople, in the presence of the President of the United States, the 



PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S FUNERAL. 245 

Cabinet, Justices of the United States Supreme Court, Senators and 
Representatives in Congress, the heads of the military and naval estab- 
lishments, the governors of States, and a great concourse of people who 
had known and loved him, all that is mortal of the third President to 
fall by an assassin's bullet was committed to the grave. It was a spec- 
tacle of mournful grandeur. 

The service at the church consisted of a brief oration, prayers by the 
clergymen of three denominations, and singing by a quartet. The body 
was taken to the Westlawn Cemetery and placed in the receiving vault, 
pending the time when it will be finally laid to rest. 

One of the most pathetic features of the day was the absence of Mrs. 
McKinley from the funeral services at the church and cemetery, when 
the body of her husband was laid to rest. Since the first shock of the 
shooting, then of death, and through the ordeal of state ceremonies, she 
had borne up bravely. But there was a limit to hiiman endurance, and 
when the last day came it found her too weak to pass through the trials of 
the final ceremonies. 

Those very near to her are not so much alarmed by her passionate 
weeping and shedding of tears as they were by her unnatural compo- 
sure for a time. 

In the Canton procession there were 6,000 Ohio troops and a still 
larger body of men not of the Ohio National Guard marched in the pro- 
cession. The order of parade was as follows and the march was be- 
tween walls of thousands and tens of thousands: 

Squad of police. 
Chief Marshal Doll of Canton and aids. 

FIRST DIVISION. 

General Eli Torrence, national commander G. A. R., commanding staff. 

Grand Army Band. 

E. F. Taggert, department commander G. A. R. of Ohio, and staff. 

Canton Post, Canton, Ohio. 

Buckley Post, Akron, Ohio. 

Bell-Harmon Post, Warren, Ohio. 

C. G. Chamberlain Post, East Palestine, Ohio. 

Given Post, Wooster, Ohio. 

Union Veteran Legion, Canton, Ohio. 



246 PRESIDENT McKIN LET'S FUNERAL. 

SECOND DIVISION. 

Major General Charles F. Dick commanding. 

Detachments of Ohio National Guard. 

Troop A of O. N. G., guard of honor. 

Survivors of Twenty-third Ohio, President McKinley's regiment. 

President Roosevelt and Cabinet. 

Honorary bearers, generals of army and admirals of navy. 

Officiating clergymen. 

Officers of the army and navy. 

Funeral car. 

Family and relatives of President McKinley. 

Loyal Legion. 

President of Senate and United States Senators. 

Speaker of House of Representatives and Congressmen. 

Governors of States, w^ith staffs. 

Louisiana delegation, representing State and United Confederate 

Veterans. 

Governor Nash of Ohio and other State officers. 

Circuit Court Judges of the State of Ohio. 

Governor McKinley's former staff officers. 

Federal officials of Cleveland, Chicago, Canton and Massillon, Ohio. 

Board of Directors of Pan-American Exposition. 

Board of Cook County Commissioners, Chicago. 

THIRD DIVISION. 

Captain H. S. Moses commanding. 

Gate City Guards, Atlanta, Ga. 

Cleveland Greys. 

Cleveland Scots Guards. 

William McKinley command Spanish-American War Veterans. 

Sons of Veterans. 

FOURTH DIVISION. 

A. B. Foster, grand commander of Ohio, commanding. 
Knights Templar. 
Commanderies from following cities: Louisville, Canton, Massillon, To- 
ledo, Zanesville, Steubenville, Cleveland, Painesville, Lima, Cincin- 



PRESIDENT McKIN LEY'S FUNERAL. 247 

nati, Youngstown, Mansfield, Pomeroy, Akron, Circleville, Mar- 
ion, Warren, Hamilton, Salem, Wooster, Marietta, 
Uhrichsville and East Liverpool, Ohio. 
Grand Lodge State of Ohio. 

FIFTH DIVISION. 

Brigadier General Thomas W. Minchule commanding. 

Eighth Infantry of State Militia. 

Fifth Infantry. 

Ohio City Company, Martin's Ferry, Ohio. 

Second Infantry, Lima. 

Lodges of the Knights of Pythias. 

Odd Fellows. 

Junior Order United American Mechanics. 

Knights of St. John. 

Representatives of Sigma, Alpha and Epsilon Fraternity. 

SIXTH DIVISION. 

Theodore Voges commanding 

Cleveland Chamber of Commerce. 

Americus Club, Pittsburg. 

Union League Club, Chicago. 

Lincoln Club, Chicago. 

Hamilton Club, Chicago. 

Lincoln Club of New Brighton, Pa. 

SEVENTH DIVISION. 

Ofificials and citizens of various Ohio cities. 

As the time approached for bearing the body of the dead President 
from the McKinley home to the church, the little cottage on North Mar- 
ket street was the center of a vast concourse of people. Regiment after 
regiment of soldiers, acting as guards, were in triple lines from curbs 
back to the lawns. The walks had been cleared and the multitude took 
refuge on the great sweep of lawns, where they formed a solid mass of 
humanity, surging forward to the lines of soldiers. In front of the Mc- 
Kinley cottage were drawn up the two rigid files of body-bearers — eight 
sailors of the navy and eight soldiers of the army — awaiting the order 
to go within and take up the casket. 



248 FRESIDENT McKINLEY'8 FUNERAL. 

PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT APPROACHES. 

Just at 1 o'clock the black chargers of the Cleveland Troop swept 
down the street, their riders four abreast, in their brilliant huzzar uni- 
form, with flags bound in crape, and every saber hilt bearing its flutter- 
ing emblem of mourning. Their command was the signal for the ap- 
proach of President Roosevelt and the members of the Cabinet. The 
Presidential party moved up the walk to the entrance of the house and 
formed in a group to .the left. 

The President's face looked very grave, and he stood there silently 
with uncovered head awaiting the body of the dead chieftain. 

Extending further down the walk was the guard of honor, the rank- 
ing generals of the army on the right and the chief figures of the navy 
on the left. Lieutenant General Miles, in the full uniform of his rank, 
with sword at side and band of crape about his arm, stood alongside the 
members of the Cabinet, and with him were Major General Brooke, Ma- 
jor General Otis, Major General MacArthur and Brigadier General Gil- 
lespie. Across from them was ranged Rear Admiral Farquhar, repre- 
senting Admiral Dewey, ranking head of the navy; Rear Admiral 
Crowninshield, Rear Admiral O'Neill, Rear Admiral Kenney and Brig- 
adier General Heywood, the latter commander-in-chief of the Marine 
Corps. 

Just inside the gate stood the civilian honorary court, in double line, 
including Governor Nash and Lieutenant-Governor Caldwell of Ohio. 

Toward noon the crowds in the vicinity of the McKinley cottage had 
increased to tens of thousands. North Market street was a living, seeth- 
ing mass of humanity for five squares below the house and for three 
squares above. Several regiments of soldiers were required to preserve 
a semblance of order. With guns advanced, the men were posted along 
the curbs and within the walks for half a mile in either direction. 

Sorrowfully the throngs turned away, the people to take up their po- 
sitions at the church, the representatives to seek their places in the im- 
posing procession which was to follow the remains to the cemetery. 

President Roosevelt spent a quiet morning at the Barter residence. 
He did not go out to the crowded street where thousands were gathered, 
hoping to catch a glimpse of his face, but took a walk in the spacious 
grounds of the residence. While at breakfast Judge Day joined him for 



PRESIDENT McKINLEY'8 FUNERAL. 249 

half an hour, and later Secretary Root and Secretary Hitchcock came 
in to see him. 

Many unofficial visitors left cards of respect, but the President saw 
very few people, preferring to remain in retirement. Among those who 
called were a half score of his old command of the Rough Riders, several 
of them in their broad-brimmed sombreros. The President saw them 
only for a moment. 

The face of the dead President was seen for the last time when it 
lay in state Wednesday in the court-house. The coffin was not opened 
after it was removed to the McKinley residence, and the members of the 
family had no opportunity to look again upon the silent features. The 
coffin was sealed before it was borne away from the court-house. It had 
been the hope of many of the old friends of the family here that the face 
would be exposed while the services in the church were being held this 
afternoon, but this suggestion could not be agreed to. 

The collection of flowers was probably the most beautiful ever seen 
in the United States. The conservatories of the country had been de- 
nuded to supply them. By the direction of the monarchs of Europe, the 
South American rulers, the governors of the British colonies in Aus- 
tralia and Canada, the Emperor of Japan, from the four quarters of the 
earth in fact, came the directions to adorn the bier of McKinley with 
flowers whose fragrance might be symbolical of the sweetness and pur- 
ity of the ended life. But these tributes from foreign countries were 
buried beneath the floral tributes of McKinley's countrymen. 

Dr. C. E. Manchester delivered the funeral sermon at President Mc- 
Kinley's church. 

Dr. Manchester said: 

"Our President is dead. 

"The silver cord is loosed, the golden bowl is broken, the pitcher is 
broken at the fountain, the wheel broken at the cistern, the mourners 
go about the streets. 

"One voice is heard — a wail of sorrow from all the land; for the 
beauty of Israel is slain upon the high places. How are the mighty 
fallen. 

"I am distressed for thee, my brother. Very pleasant hast thou been 
unto me. 

"Our President is dead. 



250 PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S FUNERAL. 

"We can hardly believe it. We had hoped and prayed and it seemed 
that our hopes were to be realized and our prayers answered, when the 
emotion of joy was changed to one of grave apprehension. Still, we 
waited, for we said: 'It may be that God will be gracious and merciful 
unto us.' It seemed to us that it must be his will to spare the lifeof oneso 
well beloved and so much needed. Thus, alternating between hope and 
fear, the weary hours passed on. Then came the tidings of defeated 
science, of the failure of love and prayer to hold its object to the earth. 

"We seemed to hear the faintly-muttered words, 'Good-bye, all ; good- 
bye. It's God's way. His will be done,' and then, 'Nearer, My God, To 
Thee.' So, nestling nearer to his God, he passed out into unconscious- 
ness, skirted the dark shores of the sea of death for a time, and then 
passed on to be at rest. His great heart had ceased to beat. Our hearts 
are heavy with sorrow. 

"A voice is heard on earth of kinsfolk weeping 
The loss of one they love; 
But he has gone where the redeemed are keeping 
A festival above. 

"The mourners throng the ways, and from the steeple 
The funeral bells toll slow; 
But on the golden streets the holy people 
Are passing to and fro 

"And saying as they meet, 'Rejoice, another 
Long-waited for is come; 
The Savior's heart is glad — a younger brother 
Has reached the Father's home.' 

"The cause of this universal mourning is to be found in the man him- 
self. The inspired penman's picture of Jonathan, likening him unto the 
'Beauty of Israel,' could not be more appropriately employed than in 
chanting the lament of our fallen chieftain. 

"Not only was our President brave, heroic and honest; he was as gal- 
lant a knight as ever rode the lists for his ladylove in the days when 
knighthood was in flower. It is but a few weeks since the nation looked 
on with tear-dimmed eyes as it saw with what tender conjugal devotion 
he sat at the bedside of his beloved wife, when all feared that a fatal 
illness was upon her. No public clamor that he might show himself to 



",'<' A,:j.'iiuiii;«'xjiiWili£sMlii 



PRESIDENT McKINLEY'8 FUNERAL. 251 

the populace, no demand of a social function was suflflcient to draw the 
lover from the bedside of his wife. He watched and waited while we all 
prayed — and she lived. This sweet and tender story all the world 
knows. 

"It was a strong arm that she leaned upon, and it never failed her. 
Her smile was more to him than the plaudits of the multitude, and for 
her greeting his acknowledgments of them must wait. After receiving 
the fatal wound his first thought was that the terrible news might be 
broken gently to her. May God in this deep hour of sorrow comfort her, 

"Another beauty in the character of our President, thfft was a chap- 
let of grace about his neck, was that he was a Christian. In the broad- 
est, noblest sense of the word, that was true. When we consider the 
magnitude of the crime that has plunged the country and the world into 
unutterable grief, we are not surprised that one nationality after an- 
other has hastened to repudiate the dreadful act. This gentle spirit, 
who hated no one, to whom every man was a brother, was suddenly 
smitten by the cruel hand of an assassin, and that, too, while in the very 
act of extending a kind and generous greeting to one who approached 
him under the sacred guise of friendship. 

"Could the assailant have realized how awful was the act he was 
about to perform, how utterly heartless the deed, methinks he would 
have stayed his hand at the very threshold of it. In all the coming years 
men will seek in vain to fathom the enormity of that crime. 

"Had this man who fell been a despot, a tyrant, an oppressor, an in- 
sane frenzy to rid the world of him might have sought excuse, but it 
was the people's friend who fell when William McKinley received the 
fatal wound. Himself a son of toil, his sympathies were with the toiler. 
Ko one who has seen the matchless grace and perfect ease with which 
he greeted such can ever doubt that his heart was in his open hand. 
Every heart-throb was for his countrymen. That his life should be sac- 
rificed at such a time just when there was abundant peace, when all 
the Americas were rejoicing together, is one of the inscrutable mys- 
teries of Providence. 

"It is well known that his godly mother had hoped for him that he 
would become a minister of the gospel, and that she believed it to be the 
highest vocation in life. It was not, however, his mother's faith that 
made him a Christian. He had gained in early life a personal knowl- 
edge of Jesus, which guided him in the performance of greater duties 



252 PRESIDENT McKINLEY'8 FUNERAL. 

and vaster than have been the lot of any other Anferican President. 
He said at one time, while bearing heavy burdens, that he could not 
discharge the daily duties of his life but for the fact that he had faith in 
God. 

"William McKinley believed in prayer, in the beauty of it, in the po- 
tency of it. Its language was not unfamiliar to him, and his public 
addresses not infrequently evinced the fact. It was perfectly consistent 
viith his lifelong convictions and his personal experiences that he 
should say, as the first critical moment after the assassination ap- 
proached: 'Thy Kingdom come. Thy will be done,' and that he should 
declare at the last: 'It is God's way; His will be done.' He lived grandly; 
it was fitting that he should die grandly. And now that the majesty of 
death has touched and claimed him, we find that in his supreme moment 
he was still a conqueror. 

"Washington saw the beginning of our national life. Lincoln passed 
through the night of our history, and saw the dawn. McKinley beheld 
his country in the splendor of its noon. Truly, he died in the fullness of 
his fame. 

"With Paul he could say, and with equal truthfulness: 'I am now 
ready to be offered.' The work assigned him had been well done. The 
nation was at peace. We had fairly entered upon an era of unparalleled 
prosperity. Our revenues were generous. Our standing among the na- 
tions was secure. Our President was safely enshrined in the affections 
of a united people. It was not at him that the fatal shot was fired, but 
at the very life of the government. His offering was vicarious. It was 
blood poured upon the altar of human liberty. In view of these things 
we are not surprised to hear, from one who was present when this great 
soul passed away, that he never before saw a death so peaceful, or a 
dying man so crowned with grandeur. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

SPLENDID TRIBUTES TO McKINLEY. 

Orations by Men of the Highest Distinction— Rarely has Eulogy been so Superb, Sincere, 
or so Eloquent oyer the Grave of any Man — The Unifersal Acclaim is that never were 
Affection and Admiration More Worthily Bestowed. 

The deaths of Lincoln, Johnson, Grant, Hayes, Garfield, Arthur, Har- 
rison and McKinley leave in Cleveland the only living ex-President who 
appeared at his successor's funeral in Washington, and subsequently 
spdlie at a memorial service at Princeton, at Alexander Hall. 

The pit and gallery of the big auditorium were filled to overflowing 
by the undergraduates, f he faculty and authorities of the university 
occupied the rostrum. President Patton presided. On his right sat 
Grover Cleveland, the only living ex-President of the United States. 
Mr. Cleveland was dressed in academic costume, the long flowing gown 
and black mortar-board cap. The services were opened with a prayer 
by Dr. Patton. Then the audience took up with fervor the late Presi- 
dent's favorite hymn, and as the words "Nearer, My God, to Thee" rang 
out through the hall Mr. Cleveland bowed his head. He remained so 
during the singing of the hymn, the emotion which he was feeling 
plainly discernible on his face. 

TRIBUTE BY EX-PRESIDENT CLEVELAND. 

Dr. Patton introduced the former President, who cleared his throat, 
stepped forward with bowed head, and began in broken tones: 

"To-day the grave closes over the body of the man but lately chosen 
by the people of the United States from among their number to repre- 
sent their nationality, preseiwe, protect, and defend their constitution, 
to faithfully execute the laws ordained for their welfare, and to safely 
hold and keep the honor and integrity of the republic. His time of ser- 
vice is ended — not by the lapse of time, but by the tragedy of assassina- 
tion. He has passed from the public sight — not joyously bearing the 
garlands and wreaths of his countrymen's approving acclaim, but amid 
the sobs and tears of a mourning nation. He has gone to his home — 

253 



254 SPLENDID TRIBUTES TO McKINLEY. 

not to a habitation of earthly peace and quiet, bright with domestic 
comfort and joy, but to the dark and narrow home for all the sons of 
men, there to rest until the morning light of the resurrection shall 
gleam in the east. 

"All our people loved their dead President. His kindly nature and 
lovable traits of character and his amiable consideration for all about 
him will long be in the minds and hearts of his countrymen. He loved 
them in return with such patriotism and unselfishness that in this hour 
of their grief and humiliation he would say to them: 'It is God's will; 
I am content. If there is a lesson in my life or death, let it be taught 
to those who still live and have the destiny of their country in their 
keeping.' 

"Let us, then, as our dead is buried out of our sight, seek for 'the 
lessons and the admonitions that may be suggested by the life and 
death which constitute our theme. 

"First in my thoughts are the lessons to be learned from the career 
of William McKinley by the young men Avho make up the body of our 
university. These lessons are not obscure or difficult. They teach the 
value of study and training, but they teach more impressively that the 
road to usefulness and to the only success worth having will be ruined 
or lost except it is sought and kept by the light of those qualities of the 
heart which it is sometimes supposed may safely be neglected or sub- 
ordinated in university surroundings. This is a great mistake. Study, 
and study hard, but never let the thought enter your mind that study 
alone or the greatest possible accumulation of learning alone will lead 
you to the heights of usefulness and success. 

"The man who is universally mourned to-day achieved the highest 
distinction which his great country can confer on any man; and he lived 
a useful life. He was not deficient in education, but with all you will 
hear of his grand career and his services to his country and his fellow- 
citizens you will not hear that the high plane which he reached or what 
he accomplished was due entirely to his education. You will instead 
constantly hear as accounting for his great success that he was obedi- 
ent and affectionate as a son, patriotic and faithful as a soldier, honest 
and upright as a citizen, tender and devoted as a husband, and truth- 
ful, generous, unselfish, moral, and clean in every relation of life. 

"He never thought any of those things too weak for his manliness. 
Make no mistake. Here was a most distinguished man — ^a great man— ^ 




PRESIDENT Mckinley at home. 

The above shows I'residcnt MeKinley in his favuritf "rocker" on tlie porch at his 
liome in Canton, Ohio. 




MR. AND MRS. WM. McKINLEY OUT DRIVING. 




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8PLEXDID TRIBUTES TO McKINLEY. 257 

a useful man — who became distinguished, great, and useful because 
he had and retained unimpaired qualities of heart which I fear uni- 
versity students sometimes feel like keeping in the background or aban- 
doning. 

"There is a most serious lesson for all of us in the tragedy of our 
late President's death. The shock of it is so great that it is hard at this 
time to read this lesson calmly. We can hardly fail to see, however, 
behind the bloody deed of the assassin, horrible figures and faces from 
which it will not do to turn away. If we are to escape further attack 
upon our peace and security we must boldly and resolutely grapple 
with the monster of anarchy. It is not a thing that we can safely leave 
to be dealt with by party or partisanship. Nothing can guarantee 
us against its menace except the teaching and the practice of the best 
citizenship, the exposure of the ends and aims of the gospel of discon- 
tent and hatred of social order, and the brave enactment and execution 
of repressive laws. 

"The universities and colleges cannot refuse to join in the battle 
against the tendencies of auarchj'. Their help in discovering and warn- 
ing against the relationship between the vicious councils and deeds of 
blood and their steadying influence upon the element of unrest cannot 
fail to be of inestimable value. 

"By the memory of our murdered President, let us resolve to culti- 
vate and preserve the qualities that made him great and useful, and let 
us determine to meet any call of patriotic duty in any time of our 
country's danger and need. 

In the afternoon Mr. Cleveland spoke again in the Second Presby- 
terian Church Hall. He said that he recalled with sharp distinctness 
some incidents that occurred at the first inauguration of Mr. McKinley; 
how the incoming President in his amiable manner manifested his sex'i- 
ous appreciation of the responsibilities he was about to assume. 

"As we sat side by side amid the cheers of many thousands," said 
Mr. Cleveland, "I shall never forget his manner as he turned to me and 
said: 'What an impressive thing it is to assume tremendous responsi- 
bility.' " / 

Mr. Cleveland told how the thought had come to him with vivid 
impressiveness while standing beside the dead President in Washing- 
ton on Tuesday — "I have been related in a most intimate way to the 
beginning of a distinguished Presidential career of which the end is 

15 



258 SPLENDID TRIBUTES TO McEINLEY. 

before me m death — death with honor and without fear of the judg- 
ment of God. 

"William McKinley," said Mr. Cleveland, "has left us a priceless gift 
in the example of a useful and pure life, of his fidelity to public trusts 
and his demonstration of the valor of the kindly virtues that not only 
ennoble mankind but lead to success." 

He concluded with these words: "God still lives and reigns and will 
not turn His face from us who have always been objects of His kindness? 
and care." 

ELOQUENT WORDS BY REf. FRANK W. GUNSAULUS. 

At the Auditorium, Chicago, Dr. Frank W. Gunsaulus said: 

"The three great graves which have received the dust of our mar- 
tyred Presidents have been three points toward which in each instance 
God has led his Moses, and on the mountain top, lit by a moment of 
divine success, Moses has been seen looking into the promised land. 
How little have we thought that our Moses was to die there and enter 
his grave before his nation reached his Canaan. 

"Each of these men left a grave which is such an altar place, the 
sacrifice was so made, and God so guides history, that the nation is 
inspired to march unfalteringly to the better day. Slavery assassinated 
Abraham Lincoln. And never until that moment was there a Canaan 
before the American people so rich and secure that the nation was 
sure to go forward, leaving the precious dust of its leader behind and 
walking in his spirit forevermore. The spoils system murdered Gar- 
field. And never until it had shown its base spirit kindling a brain 
into madness was our country certain that her feet pointed Canaan- 
ward. 

"And now comes anarchy, the torch of flame lighting up the pic- 
ture gallery of the past, which it would destroy, its satanic bomb hiss- 
ing already with ruin for the palaces of government and the temples 
of religion, its loathsome face sneering at virtue, its leprous hand 
grasping the instrument of murder, and this infernal fiend of the pit 
has slain our beloved and stainless knight. From these graves we go 
forth knowing that in death alone these men have given the fatal 
thrust to the hellish powers which assassinated them. More than 
armies, more than emancipation proclamations, more than the statutes 
of Congress has the spirit of liberty which flowed out of Lincoln's 



SPLENDID TRIBUTES TO McKINLEY. 259 

wound slain slavery. More than resolutions of conventions, more than 
party promises or official orders, the awful cost and sacrifice of Garfield 
and the spirit flowing from his wounds have fatally struck the spoils 
system. More than jails or scaffolds, more than national armaments 
or stringent legislation, the gentle, pure, just, and loving spirit of 
William McKinley flowing from his wounds will at last, under God's 
helping hand, annihilate anarchy. Civilization costs, but it is worth 
all it costs. These three graves have been dug in the heart of the 
American people, but they alone will keep the heart of the nation 
strong and pure. 

"It is fitting that we should reflect upon that majestic power for 
self-sacrifice which won victory after victory until it reached its grand- 
est triumph in conquest over death itself. When he came to death, 
at the moment when the aims and purposes of his life had brought 
forth a visible harvest of seeds waiting to be planted for a new era and 
a new harvesting, he transformed death into a messenger of the highest 
and made him servant to that same self-sacrificing spirit that said, 'It 
is God's way. His will be done.' 

"Tears magnify, we are told. The truth is, tears do not magnify; 
they clarify; and Death, the mighty one, tall of stature and wellnigh 
omnipotent unto ruin, only lends himself to stand by the side of such 
a man as William McKinley that one may know what is his stature. 
Removed just a little from us, how magnificent is our star, a little area 
of which we saw and touched and knew. How gloriously he pours 
forth serene light as he mounts in the heavens of history. Yet it was 
impossible that it should be otherwise. Our President was arranged 
for in the long development of his physical, mental, and spiritual char- 
acteristics through heredity and by divine providence, and God's fore- 
sight was so spacious that nothing could have come of it all save a 
great man. We who have known the fatherhood, and motherhood, the 
environment and atmosphere which were his could not think that Prov- 
idence intended him to be other than strong, full-orbed, well-poised, 
harmonious, and a valiant soldier whose qualities shall be none the 
less illustrious a century hence than they were on that day when he lay 
dead on his .shield. 

"He came into youth vivacious and impressionable in the hour when 
his father's home, the community, and his native State were athrob 
with the greatest debate of modern times, the prelude of the most 



2(50 i^ri. i:\inn iwint it:s ro \i,ki\i.i:\. 

iiuportaiK WHf. How lu> fii't'W into lluit maiilN loiini'^t' anil how his 
opiiiioiis haiiltMn>il into lliost> iou\ iclious w hiili \\t'rt> soon lo s»mh1 Www 
with tlmsc who wt'fc luanhiiif; lo the rroiil lo save tlu" I'tuon. 

"Il is iiol slrau^c thai lie raiuc home Irom tho waf, vomvf; a.s hi' 
was, a patriot and 8ta(t>siiu»ii who had lt>anu>d his patriotism ami statt's- 
maiisliip whih' lit> was iit'lpiu};' lo savt> his couiitrv. 

'ilis cafccr has hcfu tlio cavftT of a Irulv ji'veal man. William 
Mi'Kial»\v's >iroatnoss has not a solitary t'loim>nt of llic tlicalrical or 
romautif in its f«>niposilion or iullntMu>>. Mis was th»' •it'nins whirh 
is so fnll-orbcd and harniouions tliat il is most likclv lo rtMjnire voai"?* 
that its comph'tt'Ut'ss and st>rvict>ablouoss shall b(> ri>;htlv esliinatod. 

"\Vashiuj>'ton was no brilliant >it>uius, and he bt-m'tiicnilv inanji'ii- 
ratfd lht> niovt'intMil of Aincriian rcpnbruanism. A Napoleon al lh«> 
bfginnin*;' id' onr ;;o\ i>rnnn>ntal t>x|n'iin\<'nl would haM> Napoh'oni/.i>d 
our vonth. lOiiuailv unfortnnali' would wi- ha\t" boi-n had onr oxpori- 
inoul bi-t>n falliored bv a pi>litifal iddlosophrr of »>.\traordinarv visions. 

"l.iiuoln's i;rt>atm>ss was ropnldii-an <;'ri>alu»>ss. llis arm was slroufj 
when pnblii- soniimont lifli'd il, and ho was abh> to inrarnau> tlu' iuttd- 
hvt ami ronsrioiH'o of tho ropulilir. MiKinlov's jjroatuoss was of this 
tvpt'. llo did liston with an oar rloso lo tho >;ron\id for Iho Iroad of 
tho millions, and aftt>r a inoniout. whii-h assiirod hinv of Iho ri^htoous 
uoss and wisdom of ptiblir si>utinu>ut, ho was* on'rt and loadiu<j thoiu 
Zlouwavd. llis iiup»>rialisu\ was that of itbsolnt»> loyalt.v to the people's 
will after the people's will had been edmated bv a U>u>wledi;e of the 
farts in the lase. The unalitv of the man's \ialnre, his jireat pnblir 
servlees, his |iraitiral faith in the institutions and proeesses of Uepub- 
Mean novernmeut make his j;rave a rallvinjj point for alhthose elements 
of order and progress whieh will at last arhieve for earth in many- 
spirited reality tln> eity of (loil." 

Then the aiulieuie sanj*" "Anierlea." 

ruiur rK iiv skn.vih>k vx>kakku. 

Senator b'oraker of (Mui> spoke at the (^ineinnati Mnsie Hall ami 
the hall was juu'ked before 11 a. m. The memorial meeting was pre 
sided over by'Mayor Julius Fleisi-hmann, who was a n>ember of MeKin 
ley's statY when the latttT was (Governor of (Muo. The t'atholie festival 
ehorus san,tf. "Lead, Kindly IJjvht," "Nearer, My Cuul. to Thee," and 
other numbers, all present joiniiis;- in singing "Anierlea." 



,S'/'/./';.\7>//> //.'//.'/ 77'.S' TO )/( A'yiVMT. 



261 



III Mii.sif lliill well- iii;iii\ wild IuhI lifiiiil Sfiiiiliir I'luaLir |Mchiiil 
Milviiilcv's iiiiiiir III (wo Sliilc ((iiiN ciiliDiiis liir ( )u\ I'liior iiml In Iwo 
ualioiiiil ciiiivciil iiiiiN I'nr I'l'c.Midt'iil. Sfimlnr l''tiiakrr in |iiiil ^!^Kl: 

"III llir \ i^tir til' niliiiHl iiiiiiiIkiimI, ill llic lici^lil nl' liis |in\\cis, in 
tlic iinsNi'S.siuii III' all Ills lai'iiil i<'N, in Ihr iniilhl <>{' a j^rral wniL ol winlil 
wide iiii|i(irlaii<'(', in lln- I'lijovniciil ul Ihr ailininilion, Imc, ami alTfC- 
(Itiii of all classes of oiir |iro|ilc In a (i(j.'itc nr\rr licl'ini' |ii'i'inil h-il lo 
11 n\ ol lii-r man, al a I inic of iiiolouml iiiaic, when mil hi n^-, w as otcnrriiij; 
to cvrilc llic jiassioiis of turn, whin wr wnr i'n}^a|j;ril in a rrlrlira 
lion III' Ihr li'inni|ihs of ail, sriciirr, lilrral nir, rommrrcr, risiliy.a 
lion, ami all Ihal ^or.s lo makr n|i Ihr {^rralrsl |n'oM|iri'il \ , atl\am'r- 
inriil a III! ha |i|iiiirHS Ihr wo I'll I has r v ri' k now n, Hnn oiimlril li\ I hooNa ml.s 
of IiIn comili'vinrii, who wrrr v,\'iiin with im h olhrr in ilrmon 
slialioiis of rrirnilshi|i ami ^ooil will, Ihr I'lrsiilml ol llir I'liilril 
Slairs, wilhonl a niimiriirs warning, was si riflirn ilow n li\ an assassin, 
who, while ^irrlin;.^ him wi|h oiir liaml, slml him lo ilialli w 1 1 h Ihr 
(illier. 

"llis1ol\\ lias no lileieilenl lor slleh I leaehel'V ami w irkeilness sillie 
.loiib, Hli'okin;;' his henni as llioii;^h lo kiss him, im|uiiin^', 'Ail llion 
in heallli, IIIN liiolhei'?' snioie nnsns|iei'l iiiL^ Amasa in the lirih rili ami 
'shed (till his liowels lo I he ;;riiiiml'" 

The Seiialof reviewed {'resident Ml Kinlr\'ii |inlilir srr\ iirs, rioin 
Ills eiilisi liiriil ill (Mil lo his dralli a jirriod ol' rorl,\ _\ ra is. Ilr laid 
wpeciiil sirrss ii|i<iii his Hcrvice of roin leeii ycarH in ('(iiit;i'('HH, in wliicli 
nipai'il.v he was already eiililled lo Ihe hi^liesl rank ttel'ore heconiiii^ 
(iovrrilor or I'lcsidml . lie railed him Ihe sileeeHSor of Henry <'lll\ 
in maiiil aiiiin;.'; a (iiolei I i\e syslem, i nnlemlin;.' Ihal I lie wa\ lo rearli 
fi'ee trade, or lai'ilT lor revenue only, as to iirlieles ol' home |irodiietion 
willioiit injury to the eonnlrv was Ihronj^li the o|ierallon of Ihe |ioli(_\ 
of |ii'iite('tl(iii, w'lierelty Ihe mil ion woiild in lime reaili Ihe |ioiiil w hci'i*, 
rnll.v Hn|t|i!yinn lis own demamlM, il eonid t;o inlo Ihe markets of Ihe 
world lo ilis|)oH(' of \vliale\er sni|dns il niiuhl lia\e. 

( 'onlinnin;;, llie Senalor said: "Me died |iroiiil nl his work and in 
Ihe just expei'lal ion Ihal lime will \imliiale his wisdom, his |inr|ioH(:>, 
and his laliors aiul il will. 

"What he was iiol permilled lo tlnisli will lie laken up li,\ oilier 
hand,-!, and when liie eompjele crowning lriiini|iti coiik'H il will ithL 
tipoti Ihe roiindalion he has laid. 



262 SPLENDID TRIBUTES TO McKINLEY. 

"Who can exaggerate the gratification he must have experieaced in 
pointing out the immeasurable prosperity that has resulted from the 
energizing effects of the policies he had done so much to sustain? 

"Dwelling upon the fact that we had now reached a point in the 
development of our industries where we are not only able to supply 
our home markets but are producing a large and constantly increasing 
surplus, for which we must find markets abroad, he reminded us that 
if we would secure these markets and continue these happy conditions 
we must not only maintain cordial relations with other nations but 
must establish such reciprocal relations of trade as will enable them 
to sell as well as to buy, and that in this great work we should utilize 
the protective element of existing duties where it is no longer needed 
for purposes of protection. 

"The remarkable tale is not all told. No language can adequately 
tell of his devoted love and tender affection for the invalid partner of 
all his joys and sorrows. 

"The story of this love has gone to the ends of the earth, and is 
written in the hearts of all mankind everywhere. It is full of tender- 
ness, full of pathos, and full of honor. 

"But he was more than gentle. He was thoroughly religious, and 
too religious to be guilty of any bigotry. His broad, comprehensive 
views of man and his duty in his relations to God enabled him to have 
charity and respect for all who differed from his belief. His faith 
solaced him in life and did not fail him when the supreme test came. 

"When the dread hour of dissolution overtook him and the last 
touching farewell had been spoken, he sank to rest murmuring 'Nearer, 
My God, to Thee.' 

"The touching story of that deathbed scene will rest on generations 
yet unborn like a soothing benediction. Such Christian fortitude and 
resignation give us a clearer conception of what was in the apostle's 
mind when he exclaimed, 'O death, where is thy sting? O grave, where 
is thy victory?' " 

EULOGY BY CARDINAL GIBBONS. 

In Maryland, business was generally suspended throughout the 
State. The memorial services at the Cathedral were unusually elabor- 
ate. Cardinal Gibbons, always a warm personal friend of the murdered 
President, delivered the following eulogy: 



SPLENDID TRIBUTES TO McKINLEY. 263 

"It has been my melancholy experience in the course of my sacred 
ministry to be startled by the assassination of three Presidents of 
the United States. Abraham Lincoln was shot in 18G5. James A. 
Garfield was mortally wounded in 1881, and William McKinley received 
a fatal wound on the 6th day of September, 1901. Mr. Lincoln was shot 
in a theater; Mr. Garfield was shot while about to take a train to enjoy 
a needed vacation, and our late beloved President fell by the hand 
of an assassin while lending the prestige of his name and influence to 
the success of a national exposition. 

"In the annals of crime it is difficult to find an instance of murder 
so atrocious, so wanton and meaningless as the assassination of Mr. 
McKinley. Some reason or pretext has been usually assigned for the 
sudden taking away of earthly rulers. Baltassar, the impious King 
of Chaldea, spent his last night in reveling and drunkenness. He was 
suddenly struck dead by the hand of the Lord. 

"How diiferent was the life of our chief magistrate! No court in 
Europe or in the civilized world was more conspicuous for moral recti- 
tude and purity, or more free from the breath of scandal than the official 
home of President McKinley. He would have adorned any court in 
Christendom by his civic virtues. 

"Brutus plunged his dagger into the heart of Caesar because of his 
overweening ambition. Whatever may have been the errors of judg- 
ment on the part of our late President (and who is free from them?), 
no man can honestly charge him with tyranny or official corruption. 

"The Redeemer of mankind was betrayed by the universal symbol 
of love. If I may reverently make the comparison, the President was 
betrayed by the universal emblem of friendship. 

"Christ said to Judas, 'Friend, betrayest thou the Son of Man with a 
kiss?' The President could have said to his slayer: 'Betrayest thou 
the head of the nation with the grasp of the hand?' 

"He was struck down surrounded by a host of his fellow citizens, 
every one of whom would have gladly risked his life in defense of his 
beloved chieftain. 

"Few Presidents were better equipped than Mr. McKinley for the 
exalted position which he filled. When a mere youth he entered the 
Union army as a private soldier during the Civil War and was pro- 
moted for gallant service on the field of battle to the rank of Major. 
He served his country for fourteen years in the halls of Congress, and 



264 SPLENDID TRIBUTES TO McKINLEY. 

toward the close of his term he became one of the most conspicuous 
figures in that body. He afterward served his State as Governor. 

"As President he was thoroughly conversant with the duties of his 
oflSce, and could enter into its most minute details. His characteristic 
virtues were courtesy and politeness, patience and forbearance and 
masterly self-control under very trying circumstances. When unable 
to grant a favor he had the rare and happy talent to disappoint the 
applicant without offending him. 

"The domestic virtues of Mr. McKinley were worthy of all praise. 
He was a model husband. Amid the pressing and engrossing duties 
of his official life he would, from time to time, snatch a few moments 
to devote to the invalid and loving partner of his joys and sorrows. 
Oh, what a change has come over this afflicted woman! Yesterday 
she was the first lady of the land. To-day she is a disconsolate and 
heart-broken widow. Let us beseech Him who comforted the widow 
of Nairn that He console this lady in her hour of desolation. 

"It is a sad reflection that some fanatic or miscreant has it in his 
power to take the life of the head of the nation and to throw the whole 
country into mourning. It was no doubt this thought that inspired 
some writers within the last few days to advise that the President 
should henceforth abstain from public receptions and handshaking 
and that greater protection should be given to his person. 

"You might have him surrounded with cohorts, defended with 
bayonets and have him followed by Argus-eyed detectives, and yet he 
will not be pi'oof against the stroke of the assassin. Are not the 
crowned heads of Europe usually attended by military forces, and yet 
how many of them have perished at the hand of some criminal? 

"No, let the President continue to move among his people and take 
them by the hand. The strongest shield of our chief magistrate is the 
love and devotion of his fellow citizens. The most effective way to stop 
such crimes is to inspire the rising generation with greater reverence 
for the constituted authorities and a greater horror for any insult or 
injury to their person. All seditious language should be suppressed. 
Incendiary speech is too often an incentive to criminal acts on the 
part of many to whom the transition from words to deeds is easy. 

"Let it be understood, once for all, that the authorities are deter- 
mined to crush the serpent of anarchy whenever it lifts its venomous 
head. 



SPLENDID TRIBUTES TO McKINLEY. 265 

"We have prayed for the President's life, but it did not please God 
to grant our petition. Let no one infer from this that our prayers 
were in vain. No fei'vent prayer ascending to the throne of Heaven 
remains unanswered. Let no one say what a lady remarked to me on 
the occasion of President Garfield's death. 'I have prayed,' she said, 
'for the President's life. My family have prayed for him, our congrega- 
tion prayed for him, the city prayed for him, the state prayed for him, 
the Nation prayed for him, and yet he died. What, then, is the use of 
prayer?' 

"God answers our petitions either directly or indirectly. If He does 
not grant us what we ask. He gives us something equivalent or better. 
If He has not saved the life of the President He preserves the life of the 
Nation, which is of more importance than the life of an individual. 
He has infused into the hearts of the American people a greater rever- 
ence for the head of the Nation and a greater abhorrence of assassina- 
tion. He has intensified and energized our love of country and our 
devotion to our political institutions. 

"What a beautiful spectacle to behold prayers ascending from tens 
of thousands of temples throughout the land to the Throne of Mercy! 
Is not this uniA^ersal uplifting of minds and hearts to God a sublime 
profession of our faith and trust in Him? Is not this national appeal 
to Heaven a most eloquent recognition of God's superintending provi- 
dence over us? And such earnest and united prayers will not fail to 
draw down upon us the blessiiigs of the Almighty. 

"The President is dead. Long live the President! William Mc- 
Kinley has passed away, honored and mourned by the Nation. Theo- 
dore Roosevelt succeeds to the title, the honors and the responsibilities 
of the presidential office. Let his fellow citizens rally around him. 
Let them uphold and sustain him in bearing the formidable burden 
suddenly thrust upon him. May he be equal to the emergency and 
fulfill his duties with credit to himself, and may his administration 
redound to the peace and prosperity of the American people." 

ADDRESS BY HON. W. J. BRYAN. 

Memorial services were held at Lincoln, Nebraska. The Hon. W. 
J. Bryan was one of the speakers, and said: 

"As monuments reared by grateful hands to the memory of heroes 
testify to the virtues of the living as well as to the services of the dead. 



266 SPLENDID TRIBUTES TO McEINLEY. 

so the sorrow that has overwhelmed our Nation, obliterating the dis- 
tinctions of party, race and religion, is as complimentary to the patriot- 
ism of our people as to our departed chief magistrate. It would indeed 
be a disgrace to our Nation if the murder of a President concerned only 
the members of the dominant party. While no recent campaigns have 
aroused deeper feeling than those through which Mr. McKinley passed, 
yet in no contests did the minority more cheerfully acquiesce in the 
will of the majority as expressed at the polls. He was the President 
of all the people, and their dignity and sovereignty were attacked when 
he was assaulted." 

Mr. Bryan said he yielded to one in his appreciation of the private 
character and public virtues of McKinley, and paid him tribute in the 
following words: 

"I rejoice that his career so fully demonstrated the possibilities of 
American citizenship. The young men of the country can find inspira- 
tion and encouragement in the fact that he made his own way from 
obscurity to fame; those who are nearing the boundary of life can find 
consolation and example in the superb manner in which he fought his 
final battle, his courage and fortitude in the closing hours recalling the 
bravery which he showed as a soldier. Domestic happiness has never 
been better illustrated than in his life, and Christian faith and trust 
never better exemplified than in his death. 

"Few if any of our public men have been more approachable, and 
his generous conduct and genial ways held to the last the friends whom 
his genius attracted. His associates early recognized his qualities of 
leadership, and no statesman has exerted greater influence upon his 
party or upon the politics of his generation. He possessed rare ability 
in presenting and defending his views and has made a profound impres- 
sion upon the history of his time. 

"The President's position made him a part of the life of all his 
countrymen, and the circumstances which attended his taking off added 
indignation to grief — indignation that even one murderous heart could 
be found in all the land, and grief that the wicked purpose of that heart 
should have been consummated against one so gentle in spirit and so 
kind in word and deed. 

"This is neither the time nor the place for a discussion of remedies 
for anarchy. It can have no defenders in the United States. 

"The universality of the respect shown for the deceased and tl» 



SPLENDID TRIBUTES TO McKINLEY. 267 

genuineness of the good will manifested toward him teach a lesson 
that should not be forgotten, namely that the best things in life are 
above and beyond the domain of politics. In campaigns the points of 
difference between citizens are emphasized and ofttimes exaggerated, 
but the points of similarity are really more nunierous, more important 
and more permanent. 

"In stature and in strength, in plans and in purpose, in love, in hope, 
in fear and in all human needs we are much the same. It is not pos- 
sible that all good should be confined to one party and all evil to 
another. It would be a sad day for the country if all the virtue, all 
the intelligence and all the patriotism were to be found in one political 
organization, if there were another organization of any considerable 
size having the allegiance of all the vicious, ignorant and unpatriotic. 
It is unfortunate that in the heat of political controversy partisanship 
sometimes becomes so strong as to cause injustice to be done to the 
motives of political opponents, and it should be our constant aim to 
place our campaigns on such a high plane that personalities will be 
eliminated and the issues made to turn upon the principles involved. 

"Let us hope that this National affliction, which unites all factions 
in a common sorrow, will result in a broader charity and a more liberal 
spirit among those who by different policies and through different 
parties seek to promote the welfare and increase the glory of our 
common country." 

HON. JOHN p. DOLLIVER'S ELOQUENT WOKDS. 

At a memorial service held in Chicago on Sunday, September 22d, 
Senator John P. Dolliver delivered the following address: 

"Three days ago, near by the house in which he lived, with a multi- 
tude which no man could number, I stood by the grave of William 
McKinley; and while among so many voices I would prefer to remain 
silent, yet I am grateful for the opportunity to join with you in this 
memorial and to speak a few words in reverent eulogy of the statesman 
and the man. 

"There will be opportunity enough to make inquiry into the causes 
of the enormous offense against mankind of which the President of the 
United States was the victim. But it cannot be out of the way, even at 
such a time as this, to recognize that in the midst of modern society 
there are a thousand forces manifestly tending toward the moral 



268 SPLENDID TRIBUTES TO McEINLEY. 

degradation out of which this Avicked hand was raised to kill the chief 
magistrate of the American people. Other Presidents of the United 
States have been murdered, but the men who did the deed bore such 
obvious marks of a diseased mind that one of them, at least, received the 
penalties of the law rather than its compassion, only because in the 
administration of justice the line which separates the maniac from the 
murderer is drawn with rather a clumsy hand. 

"The crime brought with it a passionate expression of the public 
sorrow, without the sense of shame which makes the tragedy at Buffalo 
so hard to bear. The Government of the United States has given no 
attention and the government of the several states but little to the 
activity in many of our cities of organizations, inconsiderable in num- 
bers, which boldly profess to seek the destruction of all government 
and all law. Their creed is openly written in many languages, includ- 
ing our own, and its devotees the world over do not try to conceal the 
satisfaction which they take in these deeds of darkness. 

"The crime of the 6th of September, though evidently committed 
under the influence, if not the direction, of others, easily baffles the 
courts, because, being without the common motives of murder, it leaves 
no tracks distinct enough to be followed, and for that reason escapes 
through the very tenderness of our system of jurisprudence toward per- 
sons accused of suspicions, however grave. A government like ours is 
always slow to move and often awkward in its motions, but it can be 
trusted to find effective remedies for conditions like these, at least after 
they become intolerable. 

"But these remedies, in order to be effective, must not evade the 
sense of justice, which is universal, nor the traditions of civil liberty, 
which we have inherited from our fathers. The bill of rights, written 
in the English language, stands for too many centuries of sacrifice, too 
many battlefields sanctified by blood, too many hopes of mankind, 
reaching toward the ages to come, to be mutilated in the least, in order 
to meet the case of a handful of miscreants whose names nobody can 
pronounce. 

"Whether the secret of this ghastly atrocity rests in the keeping 
of one man or many we may never know, but if the President was 
picked out by hidden councils for the fate which overtook him there 
is a mournful satisfaction in the fact that in his life as well" as in his 
death he represented the American manhood at its best. 



SPLENDID TRIBUTES TO McKlNLEY. 269 

"I have studied, with some degree of care, such literature as the 
worliing creed of anarchy has given to the modern world, and in all the 
high places of the earth it could not have chosen a victim whose life 
among men has ntade a more complete answer to its incoherent pro- 
gramme of envy and hatred and crime. Without intending to do so, 
it has strengthened the whole framework of the social system, not 
only by showing its own face, but by lifting up before the eyes of all 
generations this choice and master spirit of our times, simple and 
beautiful in his life, kingly and serene in death. 

"The creed of anarchy, in common with all kindred schools of 
moi"bid social science, teaches that only the children of the rich find 
their lives worth living under our institutions and, therefore, in order 
to emancipate the poor, these institutions must be overthrown. The 
biography of William McKinley records the successful battle of at least 
one young man in the open arena of the world, and tells the story of his 
rise from the little schoolhouse, where he earned the money to complete 
his own education, to the highest civic distinction known among men. 
One life like that put into the light of day, where the young men of 
America can see it, will do more for the welfare of society than all the 
processions that ever marched behind beer wagons through the streets 
of Chicago with red flags can do it harm. 

"The creed of anarchy knows no country, feels in its withered heart 
no pulse of patriotism, sees under no skies the beauty of any flag — 
not even ours, that blessed symbol now draped in mourning, which 
lights up this time of National affliction with the splendor of the great 
republic. 

"It ought not to be forgotten that conspirators, working out their 
nefarious plans in secret, in the dens and caves of the earth, enjoy an 
unconscious co-operation and side partnership with every lawless influ- 
ence which is abroad in the world. Legislators who betray the com- 
monwealth, judges who poison the fountains of justice, governments 
which come to terms with crime — all these are regular contributors to 
the campaign fund of anarchy. That howling mass, whether in Kan- 
sas or Alabama, dancing about the ashes of some negro malefactor, 
is not contributing to the security of society — it is taking away from 
society the only security it has. It belongs to the unenrolled resei-ve 
corps of anarchy in the United States. 

"Neither individuals nor corporations nor mobs can take the law 



270 SPLENDID TRIBUTES TO McKINLEY. 

into their own hands without identifying themselves with this more 
open, but not less odious, attack on the fortress of the social order. 

"The creed of anarchy teaches that popular government has failed 
and that enactments made by the people for themselves are no more 
sacred than arbitrary decrees promulgated by tyrants and enforced by 
bayonets. Professor Ely in his work on the labor movement preserves 
this expression from the editorial page of the chief organ of anarchy 
in the United States: 

" 'The Republican party is run by robbers and in the interest of rob- 
bery; the Democratic party is run by thieves and in the interest of 
thievery. Therefore vote no more.' 

"Each proposition is an infamous lie. Yet nobody can deny that the 
sensational press of both parties had contributed enough to the volume 
of current scandal and hearsay to make these infernal slanders accept- 
able to all enemies of the human race. 

"The creed of anarchy despises the obligations of the marriage con- 
tract, impeaches the integrity of domestic life, enters into the homes 
of the people to pull down their altars and subject the family relation, 
which is the chief bond of society, to the caprices of libertinism and lust. 
In all these things it has an alliance, implied if not expressed, with 
every variation of that rotten public opinion which in many American 
States has turned the court of equity into a daily scene of perjury and 
treason against the hearthstone of the community — a treason so 
flagrant that a year ago, for the accommodation of one man, the Legisla- 
ture of Florida was induced to descend below the level of all paganisms 
and all barbarisms by so amending the laws of divorce as to permit a 
wealthy resident to legally desert the wife of his youth, not on account 
of any fault of hers, but because of the pathetic burdens which she bore. 

"I look upon it at least as a passing misfortune for us that the 
atheistic doctrines of anarchism have been translated into the language 
of common life by a famous American, now dead and gone, who in the 
days of his strength was the most captivating popular orator who ever 
spoke our tongue. On taking the chair as president of the American 
Secular Union he uttered these words: 

" 'Away with the old nonsense about free moral agency; a man is no 
more responsible for his character than for his height; for his conduct 
than for his dreams.' 

"It requires no very deep investigation to find such a sentiment the 



SPLENDID TRIBUTES TO McKINLEY 271 

seed of all anarchists, beginning with the bomb shells in the streets 
of Chicago and ending with chaos come again. 

"It is the saddest spectacle ever known in this poor world to see 
the leaders of the radical labor movement both in Europe and America 
deliberately turning their back on the workingman of Nazareth and 
laying hold of the philosophy which complacently dismisses all value 
except strength and has no place in it for the weak and outcast mil- 
lions of the earth. 

"It may be an idle imagination, but as I have heard the prayers 
which have been offered and the sermons which have been preached 
about the dead body df William McKinley it has come to look more 
and more rational to me that if indeed his assassination was an inci- 
dent of the standing challenge of atheism against the peace and order 
of society it could not, now that Gladstone is no more, have chosen a 
sacrifice more fit to illustrate the nobility of human character, nurtured 
in the fear of God and trained from infancy in the law of Christ." 

Senator Dolliver' dealt to some length with the relations of anarchy 
to atheism, and then closed his address with an eloquent tribute to the 
memory of President McKinley. 

"A long acquaintance with the late President," he said, "has always 
saved me from that eiTor of judgment which has in some quarters 
underrated his abilities and underestimated the value of his public 
services, but standing here, before yet the flowers have withered which 
cast their faded beauty upon his grave, I declare my solemn belief that 
no achievement of his great career, no triumph of his epoch making 
record at our capital, will weigh so much for the welfare of the world 
as the everlasting ministry of the stainless life which he lived in the 
faith of the mother who taught him first to repeat the words of the 
Master, 'Thy will be done.' " 



CHAPTER XIX. 

THE VOICE OF THE CLERGY ON THE MARTYRDOM 

OF McKINLEY. 

An Uuexampled Union in Prayers and Sermons from All Cliristian Denominations, First 
tliat tlie Precious Life of tlie President Miglit Be Preserved, and tliat Hope Lost tliat 
tlie Lessons of His Life Mi^ht Lire, and the Lessons of His Death Be an Ererlasting 
Benediction to Manldud. 

Ages on ages the death of President McKinley will be remembered as 
the most Christ-like, of all the world has known since Calvary. The 
great matters of this earth are always simple, and there can be no sub- 
limity, that has not simplicity. It was in the very spirit of the Savior, 
that when the mortally wounded chief magistrate sank into a chair shot 
down by an anarchist assassin, the man whose agony was horrible, seeing 
the scuffle to subdue the murderer, said: "Let him not be hurt." Here 
are five tremendous words of one syllable each. There never was parting 
between man and woman in all the tragedies, more tragic, more heart- 
wringing than that between the dying President and his wife. It cannot 
be put on the stage, because it is too sacred, and this statement will not be 
lost: 

Our President was a great man in the highest sense in which that 
adjective can be applied. I am not speaking as a publicist, nor ana- 
lyzing a political career ; there is room for difference of judgment there ; 
but there are other matters upon which we are all agreed. 

What is it to find in the highest place among us a man devout and 
faithful in his Christian profession, modest, calm, capable; a pattern of 
the domestic virtues, an example of right living? Has not the public — 
the great American Nation — taken in the beauty first of that good, 
honest, loyal life? Is it not for that the man has been beloved and 
mourned throughout our families and our homes, but will 9jain infinite 
pathos for a thousand years to come? Then came the "Good-bye all," 
not farewell, for the dying man believed in meeting again and used the 
very word that told his faith in truth and fervor. It was "Good-bye." It 
was not our way, but God's way, and so "Thy will be done." Each 
word a monosyllable, fraught with the significance of things everlasting 

272 




WILLIAM McKINLEY AS AN ORATOR. 



THE VOICE OF THE CLERGY. 275 

There was one thing more possible at this awful elevation and the words 
came from the hymn that will forever be his hymn, and there will be 
sobs in the singing of the words he had comfort in uttering in the dark 
valley of the shadow of death as the kindly light led on through the val- 
ley, until the white feet of the bearer of good tidings shone on the moun- 
tain beyond which was eternal day, "Nearer, My God, to Thee." 

It is too soon to understand how transcendent the glory of the death 
bed of McKinley will be, but he has arisen into the dawn of an 
immortality the brightness of which will increase through the eternal pro- 
cession of the centuries. Magnificent as were his works for his country, 
the organization and achievements in the man for humanity and peace for 
liberty, his few words when dying as a Christian in the loftiest sense of 
the term that means in the likeness of Christ, will outlast them all in the 
splendor that shall endure, and never turn pale though the stars and 
the sun may be pallid. 

There never has been such Christian unity on this or any continent — 
in this or any age, as appears in the invocations and utterances — the 
prayers, the sermons, the orations — in which the hearts of the American 
people have found some expression of sorrow and hope, that we may 
see by and by the better way, though the path seems deeply overshado wed- 
There let the way appear 
Steps up to Heaven ; 
All that Thou seudest me 
In mercy given ; t 

Angels to beckon me. 

The Information, the clerical organ in Vienna, says : 
"The Pope addressed the Catholic bishops Sunday and declared that 
the late President McKinley was a victim of the excessive freedom grant- 
ed to the people of the United States. He urged that it was the duty of 
society to oppose the spread of socialism. Free Masonry, Judaism and 
anarchy." 

"London, Sept. 20.— The Russian goverAment," says a dispatch to the 
Standard from Odessa, "has ordered the head of the political police|^'i 
draft suggestions for the suppression of anarchism in anticipation of 
Washington cabinet making proposals for united European action." 

16 



276 THE VOICE OF THE CLERGY. 

This is interesting and cannot be accepted as authentic, but it has 
an expression that belongs to European thought rather than that on this 
side the Atlantic. It must be said that the people of the United States 
grant their own liberties to themselves. They acknowledge no power 
to grant them their inheritance of liberty, but those who fear the weak- 
ness of our government may dismiss apprehension, for it will come out in 
the struggle with anarchy, as with other enemies, a government stronger 
than is possible to monarchical power. Dr. Locke, at Buffalo, in the first 
prayers voiced over President McKinley in his coifin, said : 

"We thank Thee, that Thou dost answer the sobbing sigh of the heart 
and dost assure us that if a man die he shall live again. We praise 
Thee for Jesus Christ, Thy Son our Savior, and elder Brother, that He 
came to 'bring life and immortality to light,' and because He lives we shall 
live also. We thank Thee that death is victory, that 'to die is a gain.' 
Have mercy upon us in this dispensation of Thy providence. We believe 
in Thee, we trust Thee, our God of Love, 'the same yesterday, today and 
forever.' 

"We thank Thee for the unsullied life of Thy servant, our martyred 
President, whom Thou hast taken to his coronation, and we pray for the 
final triumph of all the divine principles or pure character and free gov- 
ernment for which he stood while he lived and which were baptized by his 
blood in his death." 

It seems well to say that at the time this prayer was delivered, the 
hymn President McKinley loved as much as "Nearer, My God, to Thee," 
Dr. Newman's "Lead, Kindly Light," was sung by the Buffalo quartette: 

Lead, kindly light, amid the encircling gloom; 

Lead thou me on; 
The night is dark and I am far from home; 

Lead thou me on; 

Keep thou my feet ; I do not ask to see 

The distant scene ; one step enough for me. 

I was not ever thus, nor prayed that thou 

Shouldst lead me on ; 
I loved the garish day, and spite of fears 

Pride ruled my way; remember not past years. 



\ 



^.v''::?iiW<:MUt. 



THE VOICE OF THE CLERGY. 277 

So long thy power has blessed me, sure it still 

Will lead me on, 
O'er moor and fen, o'er crag and torrent, till 

The night is gone. 

And with the morn those angel faces smile 

Which I have loved long since and lost awhile. 

In his own home church at Canton, the President was in the habit 
of joining in the singing and to find it comforting to do so, and while his 
mother lived there never was an omission of an attention bj' the Presi- 
dent to her. When the benediction was offered, he immediately joined 
her, when he happened, owing to the pressure for seats, not to sit with 
her, he was at her side when she was on her feet and walked to her car- 
riage and assisted her to be well seated, when as she took her departure 
he invariably took off his hat to her. It was something the people of 
Canton loved to see. 

Archbishop Ireland sent this prayer to the Priests of the St. Paul 
See September 8th : 

"Reverend Dear Rector: A horrible crime has been committed in 
our country. The life of the Chief JIagistrate of the nation has been as- 
sailed, the majority of the nation has been outraged, the fabric of the 
civil society' has been imperiled. It behooves the Christian people of 
America to bow their heads before the Almighty ruler of men in profound 
humiliation and earnest supplication. 

"Have we, as a people, through pride and self-trusting, through for- 
getfulness of the laws of religion and of righteousness, merited that this 
dreadful visitation should have come upon the laud? God knows and God 
judges. As the penitent Israel of olden days gathered between the porch 
and the altar let us weep and say : 

"Spare, O Lord, spare Thy people and give not Thy inheritance to re- 
proach that tlie heathen should overrule them. Why should thej'sayamong 
the nations. Where is their God? For our own and the nation's welfare, in 
coming years, our dependency must be upon the great and good Lord, 
who is our Heavenly Father. Only through Him who reigns amid the 
tempests and the billows of the seas can peace and security be ours. Only 
through Him who is the Father of Lights, from whom is every perfect 
gift, can there be given to us the intelligence of duty and the strength 
to accomplish. 

"Let us in fervor of heart invoke His blessed name, aud by prayer 
draw upon ourselves and upon the nation His most bountiful graces. 

"And with especial fervor must we supplicate the God of Mercy and 



27« THE VOICE OF THE CLERGY. 

of Love for the Chief Magistrate of the nation. Upon him the wrath 
of crime heavily fell ; the sympathies of our souls go out to him and our 
heartful entreaties ascend to the skies for his comfort and his recovery. 

"May the Master have him in holy keeping, granting him patient 
courage amid present sufferings, and speedily restoring him to the joya 
of health, that he may with renewed strength again consecrate himself to 
the service of his country and his fellow men. 

"To those ends we ordain that all pastors do, in their churches, be- 
fore the principal mass, recite together with the faithful the Psalm, 'Have 
mercy on me, O God,' as an act of penitential reparation for sins personal 
and national and the litany of the Holy Name of Jesus as an invocation to 
Heaven for an outpouring of divine grace in a special manner for the 
return to health of the President of the Republic. 

"JOHN IRELAND, Archbishop of St. Paul." 

The Catholics of Texas used this form of prayer : 

"Beloved children in Christ, a most atrocious crime has been per- 
petrated by the hand of a cruel assassin. His Excellency, the President 
of the United States, is now lying at the door of death. 

"Christian charity and national loyalty urges us to offer him the 
help of our prayers and to extend to him our heartfelt sympathy. We 
therefore direct you to unite in fervent prayer to God, that in His good- 
ness and mercy He may be pleased to spare to our nation its Chief 
Executive, and to grant him a speedy restoration to health. We rec- 
ommend for this intention the prayers for the authorities, with one 
'Our Father' and 'Hail, Mary' daily, after the church services during 
the illness of our worthy President.' Yours faithfully in Christ, 

"NICHOLAS ALOYSIUS, Bishop of Galveston. 
"N. A. GALLAGHER, Bishop." 

On September 15, in historic old Trinity, the Rev. Dr. Morgan Dix de- 
livered a warm eulogy on the virtues of the late President. During the 
liturgical part of the service which preceded the sermon the President's 
favorite hymn, "Lead, Kindly Light," was sung. 

Dr. Dix spoke in part as follows: 

"Two things are filling our thoughts today. We are looking at the 
man ; we are looking at the crime. As for the man, his warmest friends, 
his greatest admirers, could have asked for him no more brilliant apo- 
theosis. Estimates have varied of him, his ability, his work. But millions 
have been praying as men seldom pray that his life might be precious in 
the sight of God, and far beyond our borders and widely through foreign 



THE VOICE OF THE CLERGY. 279 

lands, others innumerable, our brethren in a common humanity, have been 
on their knees pleading for his life. This tells the story of his character, 
his acts, his greatness; the general consent of the wide world from which 
there can be no appeal. 

"The crime, what was it? We see in it the worst of all we have ever 
known, the most outrageoiis ever committed in this land. Lincoln fell by 
an assassin's hand. But this act was bred by the passions engendered by 
the civil war. It meant nothing against the order of the world or the 
stability of government. It was a personal act of revenge by one who 
loved the Confederacy, and thirsted for vengeance for a lost cause. 

"President Garfield died also the victim of the assassin's hand. But 
the act, though it stirred the nation with horror, had no political signifi- 
cance. The wretch who committed the deed was merely a disappointed 
office-seeker. 

"But there was worse to come. And it has come. Right in the 
path on which the great nation is advancing stands the most horrid 
spectre by which social order has yet been confronted. Be the individual 
whom he may that happens to represent this new foe, he is of very little 
consequence compared with the motive which inspired his act. This 
spectre today announces as its aim and end the total destruction of 
modern civilization. 

"AVill the nation fail to act as a great nation should; to deal as it 
ought to do with the most deadly foe that it has or ever can have? Are we 
to lapse into a fatal apathy, and let the preaching of murder and inciting 
to murder and the applauding of murder go on as before? It seems to me 
that the most solemn issue of the hour is as to what we have to do who 
remain ; whether we are equal to the occasion ; whether we who have sub- 
dued foe after foe are now to fall back before this enemy, the last and most 
dangerous we have ever encountered. 

"And so leave we the beloved and honored President to his rest 
and his future glory; great in his closing words, great in his constant 
thought for others, great in his submission to the will of God — greatest, 
perhaps, in that deathbed scene, so perfectly accordant with the precepts 
of the Gospel and the example of his Savior." [Here Dr. Dix be- 
came so affected that he sobbed audibly.] 

"Let us bear in mind that wife, his devotion to whom forms one of the 
loveliest and purest pictures in the past. God comfort her and help her, 
and grant her glad reunion with her beloved." 



280 THE VOICE OF THE CLERGY. 

The Kev. Dr. Washburn, Mrs. Eoosevelt's pastor, in an address at the 
memorial services at Oyster Bay, spoke these eloquent words : 

"Neither a free press nor free speech is responsible for anarchy or the 
crimes committed in its name. Anarchy does not exist because of a free 
press and free speech. It did not have its origin here, but it grew up in 
the poverty, ignorance and lack of moral education of other countries. 
If it has been transferred here, neither a free press nor free speech is to 
blame for it. 

"The policy which should be adopted to suppress it must be moral 
training for our young, which wall do more to obliterate it than all the 
laws that may be enacted. People must be educated, so that they can 
reason and think." 

Dr. W. B. Huntingdon at Grace Church, New York : 

"Our leader has fallen, our foremost man is perished, our President 
is dead. And yet it is an hour for thankfulness as well as mourning, for 
religion is stronger in America today for this death, because of the gra- 
cious words that fell from the lips of the stricken man. More influential 
for the popular well-being than even that significant and suggestive last 
speech will be President McKinley's simple sentence, 'Let no one hurt 
him.' Let us make it a proverb and use it as a cry. It may be made, 
depend upon it, more helpful in the crusade against lynch law, now fairly 
opened, than any learned citation or labored argument. When next the 
temptation comes to some infuriated mob to shoot, or burn, or strangle 
some untried, unjudged object of suspicion, let some one in the crowd, in 
clear tones, repeat the words now made tenfold more significant by the 
seal death has set upon them, and depend upon it, there will be magic in 
the cry, 'Let no one hurt him.' 

The Rev. Father M. J. Lavelle, St. Patrick's Cathedral— William Mc- 
Kinley is one whose name, even if misfortune had not overtaken him, 
would have gone down to posterity as one of the greatest Presidents of 
the United States. This is conceded by all, those who opposed him po- 
litically as well. He was really the idol of the nation. We all voted for 
him either directly or indirectly. If we voted for his opponent we did so 
for the principle, not for the man, as no one had a better character than 
William McKinley. He was a statesman who has left an indelible impres- 
sion upon the history of this country and of the world, and before he was 
President the name of William McKinley was better known outside of the 
United States and throughout the world than that of any other American. 



\ 



THE VOICE OF THE CLERGY. 281 

He was a man of large faith in God and of deep religious sense. He was de- 
void of bigotry. Does it not seem strange that a life so noble, a life with- 
out stain, at which the voice of calumny was never once lifted, should find 
an enemy capable of destroying the vital spark? These misguided 
creatures (Anarchists) sometimes pretend to find root of their false doc- 
trine in the Scriptures themselves. Anarchy is as impossible as that five 
is equal to two. If we wish to prevent a renewal of the calamity which we 
mourn today it is only through stronger faith in God. That is the bul- 
wark of society and of this nation. 

The Rev. Dr. E. S. MacArthur, Calvary Baptist Church — Anarchy is 
a state of society without government, without law and without authority. 
It is a condition in which society cannot exist. The class of Anarchists 
known as communists shrink from no form of violence by which they 
could attain their end. They are the deadly foes of all social order. They 
ought to be driven from every land and made to live on a lone island. 
They live here protected by the very laws they defy. But for these lawsi 
many of them would have been torn to. pieces within the last week. 
Law is of God, but Anarchy is of Satan. 

The American nation today sits with heads bowed in sorrow and 
hearts uplifted in prayer. This is the saddest day in the history of the 
younger generation and one of the saddest days in the history of the 
American people. The most beloved President we have ever had in office 
and the foremost man of the world lies dead, foully murdered by the hand 
of an assassin. There is in the minds of all patriotic Americans a source 
of deepest humiliation in the sight of the civilized world. For the third 
time in this generation an American President has been slain by Ameri- 
can hands. We are on trial as never before at the bar of civilization. 

The Right Rev. Archbishop Corrigan occupied the throne during the 
high mass at St. Patrick's Cathedral, New York City, but did not take 
part in the service. At times, while the Rev. M. J. Lavelle, the pastor, was 
preaching the sermon and spoke feelingly of President McKinley, the 
Archbishop could be seen sobbing. 

The Rev. Father Lavelle, the rector of the Cathedral, devoted his en- 
tire sermon to the life of President McKinley, saying, in pai't : 

"On occasions of this kind the very best words seem hollow and mean- 
ingless compared with the depth and vast significance that stirs the heart 
of the nation. William McKinley is one whose name, even if misfortune 
had not overtaken him, would have gone down to posterity as one of the 



282 THE VOICE OF THE CLERGY. 

greatest Presidents of the United States. He was really the idol of the na- 
tion. We all voted for him either directly or indirectly. If we voted for 
his opponent we did so for the principle, not for the man, as no one had a 
better character than William McKinley. 

"During two summers spent away from Washington he spent his vaca- 
tion at Lake Champlain, in the immediate vicinity of the Catholic Summer 
School, and the courtesy and kindliness he showed were such as to bring 
him nearer to the hearts of all people there and make him seem as if he 
was one of them." 

Father Lavelle then related some instances in connection with these 
two vacations, and one in particular, where a Catholic had a just griev- 
ance and the President told him that "justice would be done." Continu- 
ing, he said : 

"Justice will be done. That was the principal guiding star of his life; 
the aim and object that spurred him on to his duty. Well does he deserve 
a nation's tears and gratitude." 

Father Lavelle then referred to anarchism and to the writings of Pope 
Leo XIII on the subject. He added : 

"These misguided creatures sometimes pretend to find a root of their 
false doctrinesin the Scriptures themselves. In our family, where thefather 
and mother must be the head, this man, the Anarchist, gets over the diffi- 
culty by destroying the family. If we wish to prevent a renewal of the 
calamity which we mourn to-day it is only through stronger faith in God. 
That is the bulwark of society and of this nation. 

"President McKinley was the idol of the whole people. We all voted 
for him, either by directly casting our suffrages for him or by having part 
in making and preserving the law which makes us all bow loyally to the 
expressed will of the majority. He was a statesman who has left an in- 
delible impression on the legislation of his country and of the world. 
Years before he was a serious candidate for the Presidency he was the 
American most widely famous in Europe. He was a soldier who spent 
the most precious years of his youth in defense of the flag for which he was 
destined to win so many victories of peace. He was a man of unblemished 
life. In all the agitation and bitterness of party strife he never was ac- 
cused of anything dishonest or vile. He was a man of deep religious faith 
and practice, devoid of bigotry, with a charity that embraced first his 
whole country and then the entire world. 

"How is it possible that such a man should have become the target of 



TEE VOICE OF TEE CLERGY. 283 

an assassin? The reason is found in that most wretched passion of the hu- 
man heart which can magnify its own affected gi-ievances, its own jeal- 
ousies and spites to such a size that they overshadow the rights of the rest 
of the world. This is the foundation of anarchy. It is generally accom- 
panied by denial of God, and by disrespect for the marriage tie, thus doing 
away with the idea of respect for paternity, either divine or human, and 
consequently of all authority. Sometimes the votaries of these doctrines 
pretend to find the foundation for their false thinking in Holy Scripture, 
where the equality of all men before God is so clearly laid down. Yet God 
himself is the father and superior of all. There are grades among the an- 
gels. So must there be among men." 

Prayer of the Senior Bishop of the Methodist Church, Andrews, at 
the head of the bier at Buffalo — the service in the rotunda : 

"Blessed be the God and Father of Our Lord, who of his abundant 
mercy hath begotten us again unto a lively hope of the resurrection of 
Christ from the dead, to an inheritance incorruptible, undefiled, and that 
fadeth not away, reserved in Heaven for us who are now, by the power of 
God through faith unto salvation, ready to be revealed in the last 
time. 

"The services for the dead are fitly and almost of necessity services of 
religious and of immortal hope. In the presence of the shroud and the 
coffin and the narrow home, questions concerning intellectual quality, 
concerning public station, concerning great achievements, sink into com- 
parative insignificance; and questions cohceruing character and man's re- 
lation to the Lord and giver of life, even the life eternal, emerge to our 
view and impress themselves upon us. 

"Character abides. We bring nothing into this world; we can carry 
nothing out. We ourselves depart with all the accumulations of tendency 
and habit and quality which the years have given to us. We ask, there- 
fore, even at the grave of the illustrious, not altogether what great achieve- 
ment they had performed and how they commended themselves to the 
memory and affe(;tion or respect of the world, but chiefly of what sort they 
were; what the interior nature of the man was; what were his affinities? 
Were they with the good, the true, the noble? What his relation to the 
infinite Lord of the universe and to the compassionate Savior of man- 
kind; what his fitness for that great hereafter to which he had passed? 

"And such great questions come to us with moment, even in the 
hour when we gather around the bier of those whom we profoundly re- 



284 THE VOICE OF THE CLERGY. 

spect and eulogize and whom we tenderly love. In the years to come the 
days and the months that lie immediately before us will give full utter- 
ance as to the high statesmanship and great achievements of the illus- 
trious man whom we mourn today. We shall not touch them today. The 
nation already has broken out in its grief and poured its tears, and is still 
pouring them, over the loss of a loved man. It is well. But we ask this 
morning of what sort this man is, so that we may perhaps, knowing the 
moral and spiritual life that is past, be able to shape the far-withdrawing 
future. 

"I think we must all concede that nature and training are — reverent- 
ly be it said — the inspiration of the Almighty, conspired to conform a. man, 
a man admirable in his moral temper and aims. We none of us can doubt, 
I think, that even by nature he was eminently gifted. The kindly, calm, 
and equitable temperament, the kindly and generous heart, the love of 
justice and right, and the tendency toward faith and loyalty to unseen 
powers and authorities — these things must have been with him from his 
childhood, from his infancy ; but upon them supervened the training for 
which he was always tenderly thankful and of which even this great na- 
tion from sea to sea continually has taken note. 

"It was a humble home in which he was bom. Narrow conditions 
were around him, but faith in God had lifted that lowly roof according 
to the statement of some great writer, 'up to the very Heavens and per- 
mitted its inmates to behold the things eternal, immortal, and divine;' 
and he came under that training. 

"It is a beautiful thing that to the end of his life he bent reverently 
before that mother whose example and teaching and prayer had so fash- 
ioned his mind and all his aims. The school came but briefly, and then 
came to him the church with its ministration of power. He accepted the 
truth which it taught. He believed in God and in Jesus Christ, through 
whom God was revealed. He accepted the divine law of the scripture; 
he based his hope on Jesus Christ, the appointed and only Redeemer of 
men; and the church, beginning its operation upon his character at an 
early period of his life, continued even to its close to mold him. He 
waited attentively upon its ministration. He gladly partook with his 
brethren of the symbols of mysterious passion and redeeming love of the 
Lord Jesus Christ. He was helpful in all of those beneficences and activi- 
ties; and from the church, to the close of his life, he received inspiration 
that lifted him above much of the trouble and weakness incident to our 



TEE VOICE OF THE CLERGY. 285 

human nature; and, blessings be to God, may we say, in the last final hour 
they enabled him confidently, tenderly, to say : 'It is His mil, not ours, 
that will be done.' 

"Such influences gave to us William McKinley. And what was he? 
A man of incorruptible personal and political integTity. I suppose no one 
■ever attempted to approach him in the way of a bribe; and we remem- 
ber with gi'eat felicitation at this time for such an example to ourselves 
that when great financial difficulties and perils encompassed him he deter- 
mined to deliver all he possessed to his creditors — that there should be 
no challenge of his perfect honesty in the matter. A man of immaculate 
purity, shall we say? No stain was upon his escutcheon, no syllable of 
suspicion was ever heard whispered against his character. He walked in. 
perfect and noble self-control. 

''Beyond that this man had somehow wrought in him — I suppose 
upon the foundations of a very happily constructed nature — a gTcat and 
generous love of his fellowmen. He believed in men. He had himself 
been brought up among the common people. He knew their labors, 
struggles, necessities. He loved them ; but I think that beyond that it was 
to the church and its teachings concerning the fatherhood of God and uni- 
versal brotherhood of man that he was indebted for that habit of kindness, 
for that generosity of spirit, that was wrought into his very substance and 
became him so, though he was of all men most courteous, no one ever 
supposed but his courtesy was from the heart. It was spontaneous, un- 
affected, kindly in a most eminent degree. 

"What he was in the narrow circle of those to whom he was per- 
sonally attached, I think he was also in the greatness of his compre- 
hensive love toward the race of which he was part. 

"Shall I siieak a word next of that which I will hardly advert to? 
The tenderness of that domestic love which has so often been commented 
upon? I pass it with only that word. I take it that no words can set 
forth fully the unfaltering kindness and carefulness and upbearing love 
which belonged to this great man. 

"And he was a man who believed in right, who had a profound con- 
viction that the courses of this world must be ordered in accordance with 
everlasting righteousneSvS, or this world's highest point of good will never 
be reached ; that no nation can expect success in life except as it conforms 
to the eternal love of the infinite Lord and pass itself in individual and 
•collective activity according to that divine will." 



286 TEE VOICE OF THE CLERGY. 

This was the form of prayer used in the Episcopal Church of Ohio, 
during the time of the suffering of President McKinley : 

"Almighty God and merciful Father, to whom alone belong the issues 
of life and death, look down from Heaven, we humbly beseech Thee, with 
the eyes of mercy upon our President, William McKinley, for whom our 
prayers are offered. 

"Deliver him, O Lord, in Thy good appointed time, from his bodily 
pain and visit him with Thy salvation, that if it should by Thy good 
pleasure to prolong his days here on earth, he may live for Thee and be an 
instrument of Thy glory, by serving Thee faithfully and doing good in his 
generation, or else receive him into those Heavenly habitations where 
souls of those who sleep in the Lord Jesus enjoy perpetual rest and feli- 
city. 

"Grant this, O Lord, for the love of Thy Son, our Savior, Jesus 
Christ." 

Bishop Potter of New York said: "Let all hearts turn in prayerful 
sympathy to our President in heartfelt supplication for his recovery," 

Bishop Dudley of Kentucky : "I join with Bishop Potter in his prayer. 
Let all hearts turn in prayerful sympathy to our President in heartfui 
supplication for his recovery." 

The congregation of which Mr. McKinley was a member sang "Lead, 
Kindly Light," and "Nearer, My God, to Thee." 

Services on September 16, in the Metropolitan Methodist Church, of 
Avhich President McKinley was a member and constant attendant when 
at Washington, were of an unusually impressive character. 

The congregation present tested the capacity of the building, many 
persons being compelled to stand. Drapings of black covered the Presi- 
dent's pew, and these sombre habiliments of woe covered the pulpit, part- 
ly made of olive wood from. Jerusalem. During the service the choir 
sang, "Lead, Kindly Light," and "Nearer, My God, to Thee," favorites of 
the dead President, the vast congregation joining in both selections. The 
Kev. W. H. Chapman delivered the sermon, taking his text from Jeremiah, 
"Judah mourneth." In the course of his remarks Dr. Chapman said : 

"No safer, purer man than William McKinley has ever presided over 
this great republic and no man was ever more admired. Adorned was he 
with the highest and noblest virtues, which gave dignity and force to his 
character and moral beauty to his life. He was a Christian man and ex- 
emplified in his daily life the sublime principles of Christianity. From 



THE VOICE OF THE CLERGY. 287 

early manhood he had been identified with the Christian church, with that 
branch we represent. It was the church of his mothei', the church in 
which he had been trained from childhood, that he had received lessons 
which, added to those imparted to him by his maternal parent, laid the 
foundation for that solid symmetrical character which he attained and for 
which he was distinguished. 

"Christianity nobly sustained him during his illness, enabling him to 
endure calmly and submissively. In his quiet moments, with eyes closed 
but not asleep, he said, 'Nearer, my God, to Thee.' To his beloved com- 
panion, who had trod with him for many years the path of life, bending 
over him, with tearful eyes and throbbing heart, near the part- 
ing hour, he said: 'Not our will, but God's will, be done,' meaning 
'be resigned, but trustful; leave all with the Lord and it shall be 
well with thee when I am gone.' How peaceful and resigned he went into 
the valley, covered with splendid sunshine and found rest from his la- 
bors! He has left behind, to his kindred and to us, the rich legacy of a 
splendid character and an unsullied record. A life that says to others: 
'This is the way. Walk in it, the way that leads to moral wealth, far above 
all material wealth, and which leads at last to Heaven and to God.' 

"We shall miss him in this salictuary and look no more upon him in 
yonder pew devotional in worship and listening attentively to the precious 
word as if indeed it were manna to his soul and a refreshing stream from 
the fountain of life. But he worshipped today in the temple not made 
with hands, with many of those with whom he was wont to worship in the 
church below. May we all imitate his example, emulate his virtues and 
at the last be counted worthy of a place with him in the Kingdom of 
Heaven." 

The President's pew was draped in black in the Metropolitan Church 
at Canton, and the McKinley home, when the body of the President 
arrived in his home city, was the only one upon which there was no 
emblem of mourning. 

Tribute of Rabbi Grossman to President William McKinley, in 
Temple of Rodeph Sholom, at the New Year's services: 

"The first offering that we must lay before the throne of God on this 
solemn New Year's morn is an offering of tears. Well mayest thou weep, 
America ! One of thy noblest sons has fallen. Well mayest thou weep, 
Humauity! A gifted brain, a brave heart, a godly soul, a true man has 
passed into the eternal shadow."- 



288 TEE VOICE OF THE CLERGY. 

The Rev John F. Carson, Central Presbyterian Church, Brooklyn r 
"The death of President McKinley is more than a national calamity. It is 
a distinct personal loss to every American. There was something so 
virtuous, so innocent, so strong in his manhood that his death touches 
those tenderer feelings which belong peculiarly to individual sorrow." 

The Rev. Dr. Charles L. Goodell, pastor of the Hanson Place Metho- 
dist Episcopal Church, Brooklyn : "It is not too much to say : 'He as- 
cended fame's ladder so high, from the round at the top he has slipped to 
the sky.' " 

The Rev. Dean Richmond Babbitt, in the Church of the Epiphany, In 
Donough street and Tompkins avenue, Brooklyn: "Anarchism is law- 
lessness by principle, annihilation by system, chaos by deliberation. It 
is the enemy of government, the foe of society and the opponent of re- 
ligion. It recognizes neither God nor brotherhood. It is political mad- 
ness. It is social insanity. It is the Ishmael among all nations, with its 
hand against every one." 

The Rev. Father Hugh B. Ward, in St. Malachy's Roman Catholic 
Church at Van Sicklen and Atlantic avenues, Brooklyn : "Anarchy must 
be stamped out of this country. This is the land of the free, but not the 
harbor of the assassin or the fanatic." 

The Rev. David D. Gregg, in the Lafayette Avenue Presbyterian 
Church, Brooklyn : "In this republic of ours, there are but three things 
that we have for anarchy and anarchists. These are the insane asylums, 
prisons and scaffolds. Let us consecrate them to the use of the anarchists, 
and God will bless the consecration." 

In the Roman Catholic churches of Jersey City sermons were de- 
livered in relation to President McKinley. At St. Joseph's Church, Mgr. 
Robert Seton, who was a personal friend of the President, said that his 
death was sublime because it was the death of a Christian. " 'God's will, 
not ours, be done,' were his last words," said Mgr. Seton. "Those words 
should be a lesson to every Christian." 

In all the Protestant churches memorial services were held in the 
evening. 

The prayer of Bishop Leonard of Ohio : 

"Our hearts are wrung by the terrible calamity that has befallen our 
beloved President. Our one recourse is to earnest and united prayer to 
the God of Nations that if it be His will this good and faithful man may 



THE VOICE OF THE CLERGY. 289 

"be spared to serve Him and serve our country yet longer as we love him so 
dearly that the sorrow is personal. 

"Nothing but horror and amazement can fill the mind because of the 
dastardly and cruel blow that has smitten our beloved President. Horror 
that an intelligent citizen of this republic could be guilty of such a 
cowardly and atrocious act, and amazement that so kind, generous and 
noble an executive as William McKinley could be the object of an assas- 
sin's bullet. 

''We who know him love him dearly because of his superior character- 
istics, and one of these characteristics is his goodness of heart. He was 
accessible to every one, no matter how obscure; he never treated with 
hardness or harshness those who approached him. In the very act of giv- 
ing joy to the people, he was shot by his would-be murderer. Grief and 
shame for the blot on our civilization fill every breast. May God in His 
loving mercy spare his life to this sorrowing nation." 

Bishop Cortlandt Whitehead's prayer : 

"To those who believe God hears all prayers and answers them as He 
thinks best. If our beloved President should not recover, it will be God's 
will. Let us pray that He will spare the life of one who lives in the hearts 
of his countrymen. I appeal to all creeds to offer up prayer for the re- 
covery of the head of the nation, who i§ now lying at death's door." 

The Rev. M. B. Moss, Mt. Olivet Baptist Church, colored: "I knew 
Mr. McKinley well. A sweeter spirit I never met. No wonder the father 
of the girl he won for his wife said to him once, 'I see a man in your 
face, a genuine man.' Look at that face. Do you not see good in it? 
Do you not see character in it? It bears the mark of the Christian states- 
man. W^hen did he show his noble character more nobly than in the hour 
when he received his death wound? Here is the triumph of Christianity. 
As the prophet records it, "A great prince is indeed fallen in Israel.' " 

Prayer sent to the American by Bishop Edward Cridge of Victoria, 
B. C. : 

"O, Father of Mercies and God of all Comfort, our only help in time 
of need, look down from Heaven. Visit and relieve Thy servant, the 
President of the United States. Look upon him with the eyes of Thy 
mercy, comfort him with a sense of Thy goodness ; give him patience under 
his affliction, and in Thy good time restore him to health or else give him 
grace so to take this visitation that after this painful life is ended may he 
dwell with Thee in life everlasting, through Jesus Christ our Lord." 



CHAPTER XX. 

THE SYMPATHY OP THE NATIONS. 

Heartfelt Expressions of Sorrow on the Assassination of President McKinley, the Third 
of the Chief Magistrates of the United States to Be Shot Down— Kemarkable Ex- 
pressions of Regrets and Regards from All Parts of the World. 

In the absence of Lord Salisbury and the Marquis of Lansdowne 
from London, Schomberg McDonnell, principal private secretary to the 
prime minister, said to a representative of The Associated Press: 

"You cannot use terms too strong in expressing our indignation at 
the outrage and our sympathy with the President. It is terrible. If Mr. 
McKinley dies, which we sincerely hope he will not, the whole world 
will lose a man of greater integrity and statesmanship than it even at 
present realizes. This latest attempt may produce an international 
arrangement by which anarchists may be dealt with according to their 
deserts and this canker of civilization be suppressed. Certainly England 
would favor such a plan. We and America are blamed on the conti- 
nent for harboring anarchists." 

The Lord Mayor of London addressed to Ambassador Choate the 
following communication: 

"The citizens of London have received with profound regret and 
great indignation intelligence of the dastardly attack upon the life of 
the distinguished President of the United States, and they desire to 
convey through your excellency their sincere sympathy with your coun- 
try in this melancholy event and their trust that so valuable a life as 
President McKinley's may be spared for the welfare of the American 
people." 

The United States embassy also received many telegrams and 
telephone messages from distinguished persons, inquiring for news and 
expressing anxiety and regret at the attempt of the assassin. 

Lord Pauncefote, the British Ambassador to the United States, 
accompanied by his daughter, was one of the earliest callers at the 
United States embassy in London. He expressed the greatest sym- 
pathy and anxiety regarding President McKinley's condition. The 
other callers at the embassy included Judge Gray of Delaware, Pro- 

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THE SYMPATHY OF THE NATIONS. 293 

fessor Saunders of Harvard, and practically all the leading Americans 
in London. 

The telegrams of sympathy and inquiry read at the embassy from all 
parts of Great Britain included messages from the mayor of Liverpool, 
Birmingham and Portsmouth. 

By night the embassy had received telegrams from almost every city 
in the United Kingdom, besides countless inquiries from individuals, 
including the Duke of Cambridge, the Bishop of Ripon, the foreign 
ambassadors, and the Argentine Minister. The following telegram is a 
fair sample of the messages referred to: 

"I wish to convey the expression of my deep sorrow and grief for the 
abominable outrage to which President McKinley has fallen a victim."- 

TEIBUTES OF THE FRENCH PRESS. 

The Figaro said : "President McKinley personified in the eyes of the 
crowd the aristocracy of riches. Nevertheless he was simple and kind, 
and we trust the American people will be spared from grief and mourn- 
ing." 

The Temps, speaking as if President McKinley were already dead, 
said: 

"He will leave to history a considerable name. He has incarnated a 
double title that is new to America, starting a movement that was not 
dreamed of by the founders of the republic in two directions — protec- 
tion and expansion. McKinley was the champion of the classes, a man 
of capital, monopolies, and trusts. Evil tongues added that be was a 
puppet of Senator Hanna. 

"The conquests of the Spanish war begot an insoluble constitutional 
question, and the germ of military glory. Having turned back upon 
the principles of his forefathers, Congress gave him carte blanche, and 
the Supreme court proclaimed that it was possible for the United States 
to possess dependencies where the constitution was not known. It was 
a personal triumph. All the advocates of jingoism and conquest and 
admirers of the army acclaimed McKinley as a hero, yet he was on the 
point of facing the greatest difficulties. He has already shown signs 
that he is in favor of abandoning protection for reciprocity, which 
will possibly raise the standard of revolt among the trusts and syndi- 
cates. Each day reveals more contradictory and insoluble embarrass- 

17 



294 THE SYMPATHY OF THE NATIONS. 

ments for Vice-President Roosevelt, whose role will be nothing envi- 
able." 

The Liberte devoted an article to pointing out the dangers of an- 
archy. 

The Journal Des Debats was much more sympathetic. It praised 
President McKinley for his honorable career, and said he had revealed 
himself in the White House, as at his Canton cottage, as a simple and 
even brave man, who deserved his popularity throughout the Union. 
He was also a far-seeing man, the paper said, and realized that the 
moment had come when America's enormous output would necessitate 
the opening of outside markets to Americans, and for that reason he 
became a convert to reciprocity. 

The Debats referred feelingly to President McKinley's tactful deal- 
ings with M. Jules Cambon, the French Ambassador, after the Spanish 
war, when the feeling in France was somewhat hostile to the United 
States. The Debats expressed the hope that for the interests of America 
the life of the President would be spared, because a critical period is open- 
ing, when a change of rulers might possibly be disastrous. 

Cables were received from all the crowned heads and those in author- 
ity under republican forms in all parts of the world. The nations of the 
earth were heard from without exception. The King of England, Ed- 
ward VII, was constant in inquiries, and there was nothing perfunctory 
in his dispatches. They showed a sincere and very sympathetic interest. 

TRIBUTE OF PRESIDENT DIAZ. 

President Diaz, on September 14, when informed of the death of Presi- 
dent McKinley, expressed himself as follows: 

"I have been deeply shocked by the horrible crime, which has not even 
the excuse that the anarchist is persecuted in the United States, since, as 
is well known, freedom and tolerance are there extended to him. Nor has 
it the excuse that President McKinley was a ruler of exclusive or aristo- 
cratic tendencies, for he was, by reason of his position as a popular ruler 
and his own personal feelings, sympathies and habits, a good friend of the 
people, a genuine democrat in the best sense of the word; so that this 
crime was as useless and unprovoked as it is abominable in every respect. 

"With regard to Mexico, President McKinley had ever evidenced such. 



THE SYMPATHY OF THE NATIONS. 295 

friendly sentiments that bis death will be mourned in this country hardly 
less keenly than in the United States; for myself it is a loss of a warm 
personal friend. These sentiments I have expressed to the ambassador 
of the United States, Ambassador Powell Clayton, on two occasions on 
which I have personally called at the embasvsy. My deepest sympathy and 
condolence go out to Mrs. McKinley and the faiuilj' of the late 
President. 

"On the other hand,, the high reputation of President Roosevelt is a 
guarantee that there will be no change in any matter affecting the 
important interests of the United States or its international relations." 

GRIEF OF THE CUBANS. 

Havana, September 14. — As early as four o'clock this morning boys 
were on the streets selling special editions of the newspapers containing 
the announcement of the death of President McKinley. 

Feeling is expressed in all parts of the island, and telegrams and 
messages of sympathy come from all sections. All work in the public 
offices was stopped to-day, and most of the business community suspended 
operations of their own accord. Judges and civil governors of the 
provinces, the government secretaries and the foreign consuls went to the 
palace to express sympathy. A commission of the Constitutional Council 
also called upon General Wood and asked him if the policy of the Gov- 
ernment was likely to be changed. The Governor replied that he believed 
President Roosevelt would pursue exactly the same policy as that of 
President McKinley. 

All the pultlic buildings are draped in black, and Mayor Gener to-day 
issued an order suspending all public meetings and directing the closing 
of all places of amusement on "account of the sorrow felt at the death 
of the President of the United States." 

SERVICES IN ENGLAND. 

London, September 15. — Heart-moving religious services, marked by 
extraordinary scenes of popular gi'ief, took place this morning and 
to-night all over London and throughout the provinces in memory of 
President McKinley. Everywhere the sermons, prayers and music bore 
almost exclusively upon America's great loss and the sore bereavement 



296 THE SYMPATHY OF THE NATI0N8. 

that has fallen on Mrs. McKinley. References to the President's widow 
were especially touching and wrung tears from both men and women. 

The tributes to the dead President left no note of eulogy untouched. 
Ministers of all denominations seized upon the deathbed heroism of Presi- 
dent McKinley as a matchless triumph of Christian faith and drove the 
lesson home with telling eloquence. Perhaps the most dramatic, beauti- 
ful and affecting service was that held in Christ Church, Westminster 
road, by Rev. Frederick B. Meyer. 

For peculiar reasons this church is enshrined in the affections of the 
American colony and is particularly dear to them at this moment. Eev. 
F. B. Meyer always has a kind word for the United States, and the north- 
east tower of the building was erected jointly by Englishmen and Ameri- 
cans in honor of the murdered President Lincoln. 

The audience in the great marble-pillared auditorium this morning 
occupied every chair. The choir comprised one hundred voices. Shafts 
of vari-colored sunlight checkered the sea of solemn faces and lay like 
an iridescent bar across the preacher's black gown. Ushers tip-toed 
through the aisles, directing silent people to pews. Every aspect of the 
scene told of a nation's sympathy. Mr. Meyer's usually ringing voice 
was thick and he spoke with apparent diiiiculty. He said : 

"We blend our tears with those of America. We grieve with that 
mighty nation. Our hearts go out in deepest sympathy to Mrs. McKinley. 
This tragedy, one of the most awful of modern times, sti-ikes down a 
man possessed of such gifts of mind and such qualities of character as 
God vouchsafes to but few of his creatures. President McKinley seemed 
almost divinely appointed to guide the destinies of the United States. 
His unselfishness, wisdom, patriotism and godliness, his love of home, 
and his love of peace set him forth to the world as one of the rarest and 
greatest characters ever born into it. 

"Why did God let him die? Why did not some swift angel turn aside 
the weapon and save this lovable man, standing in the very zenith of his 
strength and glory? I venture to declare that God meant by this calam- 
ity to teach statesmen, philanthropists and patriots to ponder on the 
awful phenomena of earth's inequalities, to study anarchism at its source 
and to attack it there; to turn fi'om selfish indulgence, from leisured 
indifference, from the consuming pursuit of power and wealth to th« 
imperative problems of civilized human life. 

"The world needs tremendous general sacrifices of money, energy and 



TEE SYMPATHY OF THE NATIONS. 297 

talent. If President McKinley's death awakens it to this realization his 
life has not been lost in vain." 

While the organist played Chopin's "Funeral March" the audience 
stood with bowed heads. There were few if any dry eyes in the congre- 
gation. Many women, particularly the Americans, sobbed aloud. The 
service was closed by singing "Nearer, my God, to Thee," the hymn which 
the cables say was the last words that fell from President McKinley's 
lips. 

London, September 18.— The English press records to-day the final 
honors to the murdered President at Washington, the progress of the 
heir to the crown in Canada, and the journey of the Czar to Dunkirk and 
Eheims. The American record is the longest, because it is inseparably 
connected with the opening of the new administration which will take 
up the policies of McKinley and work them out in detail. 

English eulogy of McKinley has not ceased. Every journal is 

impressed with the unique spectacle of a nation in mourning for a beloved 

ruler, yet calm and self-possessed, and inspired with courage and hope. 

Tributes to Roosevelt are constantly appearing in print, and every 

word is friendly. 

Little is written about the effect of the change in administration upon 
the relation of the United States and the British Empire, but much is 
said in diplomatic circles, where there is a general belief that the settle- 
ment of outstanding questions between the two countries will not be 
retarded. It has been no secret that the Foreign Office is willing and 
anxious to bring about an adjustment of the canal question and only 
requires assurance that the treaty agreed upon shall not be vetoed by the 
Senate. 

The view taken by practical diplomatists is that any convention to 
which President Roosevelt may assent will certainly be sanctioned by the 
Senate, since he has the reputation of representing the stalwart kind of 
Americanism and will have the country behind him. 

The adjustment of the canal controversy will carry all the less diffi- 
cult questions relating to Canada with it. There is also a confident 
feeling that President Roosevelt will make haste to conclude the negotia- 
tions for the purchase of the Danish West Indies, which have been in prog- 
ress a long time. 

The American Embassy was besieged yesterday with applicants for 
places in Westminster Abbey at the Thursday memorial services. While 



298 THE SYMPATHY OF THE NATIONS. 

the services there and at St. Paul's Cathedral will be unlike in form, the 
music will be equally solemn and impressive, and a vast audience is ex- 
pected at each place. 

The closing session of the Methodist Ecumenical conference had been 
reserved for missions, and while the subject was too important to be set 
aside in City Road, where John Wesley's parish window looked out on the 
Avide world, the discussion was curtailed, and a memorial meeting held in 
honor of McKinley, with fervent prayers, eloquent tributes from Ameri- 
can delegates, and hearty singing of the President's favorite hymns. 

The fateful coincidence did not escape comment that each of the two 
Ecumenical conferences in City Eoad has been called upon to deplore the 
death of an American by assassination. 

London, September 16. — The "Dead March From Saul" was played 
in hundreds of English churches yesterday, while the worshipers rever- 
ently stood and honored the memory of William McKinley. Westminster 
Abbey was an exception to the rule, owing to the absence of the regular 
organist, but the preacher at the morning service, the Eev. J. H. Card- 
well, opened his sermon with an impressive reference to the tragic ending 
of a noble life, and the source of the inspiration of that life, which had 
been disclosed in the President's religious faith during its closing hours. 
The abbey was thronged with American tourists, and they were deeply 
touched by the preacher's simple but eloquent tribute to the dead Presi- 
dent. 

Canon Henderson, the new vicar of St. Margaret's, Westminster, 
opened his sermon with an expression of English sympathy with America, 
and appreciative comments upon the President's life and character, and 
closed it with a thoughtful discussion of the causes of anarchism and the 
remedies for the evil tendencies of modern life and society. At the end of 
the service Handel's "Dead March" was played while the congregation 
stood. 

Most of the morning newspapers appear in mourning. Column after 
column is devoted to the one topic, the death of McKinley and the suc- 
cession of Roosevelt. Telegraphic dispatches are showing how the whole 
civilized world mourns with America and leading articles pay eloquent 
tributes to the sterling qualities of the murdered President in his private 
as in his public life. 

Many continental journals express alarm at the accession to power of 
Theodore Roosevelt and even in this country there is some anxiety as to 



THE SYMPATHY OF THE NATIONS. 299 

the course that he will adopt. It is noted, however, with great satisfac- 
tion that in the first moments of his assumption of office he took occa- 
sion to express his determination to continue McKinley's policy. 

The Times acknowledges Mr. Roosevelt's great gifts, which, it con- 
siders, rightly iised, may lead to great issues. It hopes that those who 
dread his impulsiveness are over anxious. It concludes: 

"He has had much experience and assumes office in conditions that are 
calculated to sober the judgment of the most adventurous." 

London, September 16. — The black-bordered columns of the London 
papers are chiefly filled with descriptions of the final scene at Buffalo, 
subsequent events in the United States, obituaries, reminiscences of Mr. 
McKinley, sketches and estimates of President Roosevelt, a general reflex 
of the world's reception of the news and anticipations built thereon. 

All the papers repeat the sincere regret they expressed when the out- 
rage was committed. All deplore the removal from the world's stage of the 
great and conspicuous figure who was expected to continue his signal and 
beneficial services. The fact is specially emphasized that Great Britain 
may claim the right through common origin to share the grief of the 
American nation, although she may not realize it with the same poig- 
nancy. There is not a discordant note in the chorus of appreciation of the 
dead President. 

Dwelling upon the conspicuous strengthening of the amicable rela- 
tions between Great Britain and the United States during Mr. McKinley's 
Presidency, the Chronicle makes the suggestion that some special and 
striking means be taken to display British sympathy on the occasion of 
the funeral. 

Turning to the future, the editorials, with practical unanimity, ba.se 
great hopes on President Roosevelt. The Morning Post says that the 
American people are to be congratulated on the fact that in the hour 
of national aflliction the guidance of the Republic passes to a man who 
won distinction as a soldier, a man of letters and in the government of the 
vast Commonwealth of New York. The hope has long been cherished 
that Mr. Roosevelt would one day do important work in the purification 
of public life and the better organization of city government, and this fact 
gives promise of a brilliant and illustrious administration. 

The Telegraph, recording President Roosevelt's words when he took 
the oath of office, says that such a pronouncement was only to be expected 
from a man of Mr. Roosevelt's high reputation. He clearly recognizes that 



300 THE SYMPATHY OF THE NATIONS. 

the spirit of the Constitution demands that he give effect to the mandate 
committed to his predecessor. It is with a distinct appreciation of this 
truth that Mr. Roosevelt enters upon his term of office, which, beginning 
as it does in grief and sorrow, may none the less be one of brilliancy and 
distinction. That it may be so is the fervent prayer, not only of all Amer- 
icans, but of the Anglo-Saxon race, which through sincere tears and deep 
regret for the late President, with equal sincerity and truth bids the new 
President a hearty godspeed. 

The Chronicle is convinced that Mr. Eoosevelt will maintain the high 
traditions of his office, and that he will surely add to his own great repu- 
tation. Speculating upon his foreign policy, the paper says : 

"We can glean an indication of the line he will take from his record. 
He believes in a big America. He is an expansionist and imperialist, and 
will out-Monroe the Monroe doctrine in his interpretation of the policy 
which goes by that name. He was a most earnest advocate of the acquisi- 
tion of Hawaii, and was foremost in demanding a strong navy. He was 
thoroughly opposed to England in the Venezuela question. We can 
gather from these actions what his attitude will be over the canal question. 
Mr. Roosevelt is far too level-headed a statesman to do anything rash, 
but his policy will be firmly, if not aggressively, American in the widest 
sense of the term." 

The Standard does not anticipate at present any important change in 
the American foreign relations owing to the succession of President Eoose- 
velt, whose next steps, it says, will be watched with sympathetic eyes in 
Great Britain. Summing up Mr. Roosevelt's record, the paper says that 
in many respects he recalls the Presidents of the earlier days of the Re- 
public, who were statesmen in the European sense of the term, men of edu- 
cation, administrative experience, large views and dignified character. It 
adds : "We may hope, therefore, that President Roosevelt's place in his- 
tory may be beside Madison, Jefferson and Adams." 

The churches of every sect in Great Britain unanimously and spon- 
taneously turned their thoughts toward America to-day and joined in 
prayerful sympathy for the bereaved nation. It is doubtful if a single 
preacher in the country abstained from making reference to the assassina- 
tion of President McKinley, while among the congregations, where pray- 
ers are extempore instead of liturgical, petitions were earnestly raised to 
the Deity to comfort and bless his widow and the American people and to 
guide the new President. With remarkable unanimity, too, "Nearer, My 



TEE SYMPATHY OF THE NATIONS. 301 

6Jod, To Thee," was sung, being introduced with, some sympathetic refer- 
ence to the deathbed of the President. In not a few instances Mr. Mc- 
Kinley's last words, "His will be done, not ours," were taken by preachers 
for a text, and condemnation of the assassin's hideous sin was combined 
with moral lessons deduced from the tragedy. At many churches the 
services were concluded by playing "The Dead March in Saul," and other 
funeral music on the organs, the congi-egations meanwhile standing. 

There was an immense congregation at St. Paul's Cathedral in Lon- 
don. Among those present were Ambassador Choate and the staff of the 
Embassy. The Eev. Henry Scott Holland, precentor of the cathedral, 
preached the sermon, which was prefaced with a tribute to President Mc- 
Kinley, at the conclusion of which the speaker said : 

"A great hope that once filled humanity lies slain. We once dreamed 
that the New World had awaked from the nightmare of evil memories and 
set out to live its free life unburdened and uncursed, but the new has like 
bitterness to work through as the old. We must face it calmly and pa- 
tiently. Not that we may be driven into a fierce reaction by the sting of 
this insane crime does the poor man lie dead. With renewed humility and 
with severer resolution we must work together for a new order of social 
intercourse, in which it will become impossible for passions which issue in 
such an oiitrage to exist." 

At Westminster xVbbey Canon Duckworth said : "We have watched the 
career and studied with increasing admiration the character of the late 
President, and we know that his death is an unspeakable loss not only to 
his own country, but to ourselves and, indeed, to the whole world." 

At the Metropolitan Tabernacle the Eev. Thomas Spurgeon ended his 
tribute by saying : "What can be said now of the hated and devilish treach- 
ery that made such a dastardly deed possible? The best thing is to say 
with the dying President, 'Thy kingdom come; all is done.' " 

At the Salvation Army meeting at Congress Hall nearly ten thousand 
persons were present. General Booth prayed for Divine sympathy and 
support for the widow and nation. In his address he referred apprecia- 
tively to President McKinley's personally expressed sympathy with the 
army's work. 

Dean Farrar of Canterbury Cathedral accounted for the hideous and 
meaningless crime as the act of one of those men who individually and col- 
lectively reject the doctrine of Christianity and so become enemies of the 
human race. 



302 THE SYMPATHY OF THE NATION'S. 

At St. David's Church in Marthyr-Tydvil, Wales, Curate Wykes, 
in referring to Mr. McKinley, was overcome by his feelings and 
fainted. He was carried out of the church. 

The Times, referring to the suggestion that the Duke of Cornwall 
and York attend the funeral of President McKinley, says : " The ob- 
stacles to the adoption of this proposal are, no doubt, considerable, and 
may even prove insuperable, but should means be found to overcome 
them the decision would cause the deepest satisfaction in this country. 

"All England would rejoice that we should be able to give the Amer- 
icans so signal a token of our desires to take part with them in paying 
every tribute in our power to the great citizen they have lost. We 
should be proud to see the heir'to the throne following the remains 
of the late President and testifying by his presence in a way which 
would appeal to the masses of both peoples that their grief is a com- 
mon grief now, as truly as it was when our loved Queen passed away. 

" Whether this wish can be realized or not we shall pay our hom- 
age of love and reverence to his memory not less sincei'ely than those 
over whom he ruled. He died as he lived, with simple, manly cour- 
age and unaffected piety, which make the best men of his race." 

London, September 20. — A close approach to church unity was made 
by the religious bodies of London in honoring the memory of the mur- 
dered President. Nonconformist and free churches united in a memorial 
service at the City Temple, where the platform was draped with the flags 
of all nations and occupied by the ministers of many Protestant bodies. 

The burial office was repeated in Westminster A bbey with statel y sim- 
plicity in the presence of representatives of royalty, the full diplomatic 
corps, many leading Englishmen and a vast concourse of spectators. 

The service of solemn supplication was modeled closely after the one 
held after the death of Queen Victoria and was reverently followed by 
an assemblage filling every available yard of floorspace of St. Paul's Ca- 
thedral. There were also special services in St. Martin's in the Fields and 
other English churches, and the vespers in the Roman Catholic Cathe- 
dral were well nigh converted into a memorial service for the President. 

The anarchist's revolver has united the religious world in rever- 
ent acts of homage to the memory of the hearty, old-fashioned Meth- 
odist, who was the first citizen of the great Republic. 

Among these services the most impressive was one in the storied abbey. 



THE SYMPATHY OF THE NATIONS. 303 

The north transept was filled long before noon, and the south transept was 
occupied mainly by the members of the American Society and their 
friends. The staff of the American Embassy acted as ushers for the choir, 
where the representatives of royalty and members of the Cabinet were 
seated with the diplomatic corps and other distinguished company. 

Lord Rosebery's intellectual face was near Lord Pauucefote's bent 
figure, and Viscount Cranborne, Sir William Harcourt, the Lord Chief 
Justice, Sir William Colville, and Lord Revelstoke were prominent in the 
choir stalls. 

The service opened with Tschaikowsky's and Chopin's funeral 
marches, the calm, reflective and almost logical movement of one contrast- 
ing with the purity and exaltation of the other. A procession of choristers 
and clergy was seen through the screen door advancing from the remote 
end of the nave, which was crowded with spectators. 

The opening sentences of the burial office were chanted by a choir 
of thirty-six men and boys, and the clergy, in three groups, with their 
insignia and chapter draped, slowly passed to their places. ''Nearer, My 
God, To Thee," was sung to the English score written by the Rev. J. B. 
Dykes, the voices of the sopranos and tenors singing out in the higher 
passages. The ninetieth Psalm, with Purcell's setting, was followed by 
the lesson, read with simple eloquence by Dean Bradley. Then a passage 
from Sir Arthur Sullivan's "Light of the World," beginning "Yea, 
though I walk through the valley," was sung with delicacy and shading 
by the choir and was a fitting prelude for the interval of silent prayer for 
the President's bereaved wife. 

Spohr's "Blest Are the Departed" was sung most impressively and 
was followed by the "Dead March From Saul," magnificently played on 
the great organ. 

Beethoven was subjected to the supreme test in being reserved for the 
final number after this uplifting funeral march, but the organist's judg- 
ment was vindicated. The funeral march closed the service with epical 
dignity worthy of the glorious memories of the abbey and the supreme 
act of reverent homage for a President suffering martyrdom for the cause 
of civilized government. 

The service at St. Paul's was opened by a series of funeral marches 
played with refinement, feeling and a cumulative richness of effect by the 
organist. It was a simple but beautiful choraJ service, beginning with the 
Lord's Prayer, continuing with Sir John Martin's setting of "De Profun- 



a04 THE SYMPATHY OF THE NATIONS. 

dis" and Stainer's "Miserere/' and closing with the anthem, "I Heard a 
Voice," prayers from the English service, with William McKinley's name 
written in, and with the hymn, "O, God, Our Help in Ages Past," sung by 
a vast congregation with thrilling effect, but the supreme moment was re- 
served for the end, when thousands stood reverently while Handel's 
matchless funeral march was played on the organ. 

The Lord Mayor and corporation attended in state and the staff of the 
American Embassy was present, but more significant than anything else 
was the vastness of the audience. The cathedral was filled half an hour 
before the service began, and thousands, unable to enter, hung about 
Queen Anne's statue and blocked the passage. The Stock Exchange was 
closed and a memorial service in St. Lawrence's, Old Jewry, took the 
place of the ordinary revel of speculation. The President's favorite hymns 
were sung in the City Temple by an immense congregation. Shops were 
open in the city, but business was virtually suspended. The streets were 
filled with men and women in mourning, and even the omnibus drivers 
and cabbies tied bunches of crepe around their whips. 

From the provinces come tidings of scores of memorial services and 
signs of universal mourning. Even conservative Oxford has felt the im- 
pulse of the Anglo-Saxon feeling and the American flag was hoisted at 
half-mast over one of the most prominent university buildings. 

The King has been more sympathetic than ever in his message to the 
American Ambassador, and the working people of the metro]X)lis have 
shown how deeply their hearts were moved by standing guard for hours 
around St. Paul's. Never has England honored any foreigner as it has 
paid homage to the American President. 

The McKinley tragedy made a deep impression in Paris. That was t© 
be expected of the American colony, but the earnestness in sorrow of the 
French people was among the most striking tributes. The memorial serv- 
ice on the 19th of September was held in Trinity Church, following the 
lines of the ceremonies at the time of Queen Victoria's funeral except 
that the hymns, "Lead, Kindly Light," and "Nearer, My God, To Thee," 
were selected. 

The church holds fifteen hundred people, but as many more were 
unable to gain admission. A strong body of police, under Superintendent 
Lepine himself, maintained order. 

General Porter, the American Ambassador; First Secretary Vignaud, 
and the entire staff of the American Embassy were present. 



THE SYMPATHY OF THE NATIONS. 305 

All the Cabinet ministers were represented and the diplomatic corps 
were present in full uniform. Colonel St. Marc represented President 
Loubet. 

The Rev. Dr. Morgan, assisted by twelve clergymen, officiated. A full 
choir rendered President McKinley's favorite hymns. Among the men in 
uniform the son of the late President Carnot was seen. When aslvcd whom 
he represented, he replied : "Myself and the Carnot family." 

The organist, Behrend, who rendered the music, was from Canton, 
Ohio, where he played at the funeral of the father and mother of Presi- 
dent McKinley. 

IN COPENHAGEN. 

Copenhagen, September 15. — King Edward and Queen Alexandra, 
who are visiting here, attended the services at the English Churcli to-day. 
The preacher, the Kev. Mr. Mortimer Kennedy, ended his reference to Mr. 
McKinley by saying : 

"He filled a difficult position with great tact, energy and wisdom. His 
chief aim was to promote the welfare of his people. Moreover, he was a 
faithful, earnest and sincere servant of Christ. His deathbed was cheered 
and its pain alleviated by a realization of his nearness to God, and by 
the hushed sorrow and sympathy of the entire nation, one might almost 
truthfully add of the whole world. 

DAY OF MOURNING IN ROME. 

Rome, September 19. — A memorial service for President McKinley 
was held at the American Methodist Episcopal Church at 3 o'clock. 

All the members of the American Embassy and Consulate were pres- 
ent, as well as the entire Italian Cabinet, who were in full dress and were 
accompanied by under secretaries. 

All the American residents attended and there were generals, ad- 
mirals, representatives in parliament and diplomats in the. congregation. 

SERVICE AT ST. PETERSBURG. 

St. Petersburg, September 19. — Under the auspices of the United 
States Ambassador, Charlemagne Tower, impressive memorial services in 
honor of the late President McKinley were held this afternoon in tho 
British-American Church. 

Among those present were the Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovitch, 



306 THE SYMPATHY OF THE NATIONS. 

the Grand Duchess Maria Pavlovna, and the Grand Duke Boris Vladimi- 
rovitch, their son, and the Grand Duke Sergius Michaelovitch. 

Other prominent Russians in attendance included Prince Obolenski^ 
representing the Foreign Office; Russian Minister of Interior, M. Sipya- 
guin, Vice Admiral Tyrtoff, General Rydzeffsky, General Kleigel, the pre- 
fect of police, and Prince Jules Ouroussoff. 

The diplomatic corps was represented by the British Ambassador, Sir 
Charles Scott, the only Ambassador besides Mr. Tower now in St. Peters- 
burg. 

The United States Ambassador and his entire staff, the United States 
Consul, Mr. Holloway, and the United States Vice Consul, Mr. Heydecker. 

The St. Petersburg Novoe Vremya says : "He was a man of large tal- 
ents and a beloved son of the country for whose welfare he unceasingly 
and successfully labored." 

The Sviet says : "Let us hope that the death of a talented and energetic 
President will rouse those lands which, for the sake of freedom of con- 
science and thought, harbor bad elements and become the breeding 
grounds for plots, to action against the enemies of civilization." 

The Boerse Gazette says : "Mr. McKinley was one of the most popular 
figures in American history and one of the best representatives of Amer- 
ican ideals. Society is defenseless against the propaganda of murder. It 
is scarcely probable that means will be found to prevent the repetition 
of such crimes. 

"On account of the extraordinary purity of Mr. McKinley's character, 
the American people will find sympathy wherever civilized men dwell. Mr. 
Roosevelt admires Mr. McKinley's steadfast purity and the programme 
in which he incorporated the hopes and ambitions of a great majority of 
the American people. Opinion in Europe regarding Pan-Americanism 
may possibly be divided, but it is comprehensible from the American point 
of view. Mr. McKinley died firmly believing that the work he had begun 
in domestic and foreign policy would find suitable instrument for its con- 
tinuation." 

The semi-official Journal of Commerce and Industry says: "Mr. Mc- 
Kinley was not an extreme protectionist. Shortly before his death he spoke 
out against crude trust protection." 

American officials in St. Petersburg to-day attended services at the 
Anglican Church, where a dead march was rendered and suitable hymns 
were sung. The Rev. Dr. Francis, minister of the British-American Cha- 



TEE SYMPATHY OF THE NATIONS. SOT 

pel, preached against anarchy. The pulpit was hung with crepe. Memo- 
rial services will probably be held on the day of the funeral. 

Special services were also held in the English Church in Moscow, 
where memorial services will be held on the day of the funeral, and will 
be attended by all the members of the Consular Corps. 

IN BERLIN. 

The service of mourning for the death of President McKinley wasi 
held in the American church, which was heavily hung with crepe and 
crowded with Germans, British and Americans. Among those who 
attended were Baron von Richthofen, German Minister of Foreign 
Affairs; Mr. White, the United States Ambassador; Mr. Jackson, Secre- 
tary of the United States Embassy; Mr. Mason, United States Consul 
General in Berlin; the members of the family of Commander Beehler, the 
United States naval attache, and many German- Americans. 

Dr. Dickie's text was found in First Corinthians, fifteenth chapter and 
fifty-seventh verse : "But thanks be to God, which giveth us the victory 
through our Lord Jesus Christ." 

The Kaiser personally and the government also were represented by 
high dignitaries. A special prayer was read for Mrs. McKinley. The 
church was elaborately decorated with flowers, flags and crepe. 

Memorial services were also held in various German cities. Those in 
Dresden attracted a large attendance of the highest official society, and 
the Anglo-American colony. The King of Saxony and the royal Princess, 
were represented by their respective court marshals, and among those 
present were the members of the Saxon Cabinet, representatives of the 
diplomatic corps, and the various Consulars, and Mrs. White, wife of the 
United States Ambassador to Germany. 

At IMunich the services were held in the Markuskirche. The Prince 
Begent was represented by his chief master of ceremonies. Count von Moy. 
A number of the members of the Cabinet and representatives of the diplo- 
matic corps, together with many British residents, were present. Mme. 
Nordica sang. 

The service at Stuttgart was held in the English Church and was 
attended by Dr. von Breitling, the Premier, and i*epresentatives of all the 
legations. 

At Cologne the Anglo-American colony held a meeting in the English. 
chapel. 



308 THE SYMPATHY OF THE NATIONS. 

The Executive Committee of the Berlin Boerse has cabled an expres- 
sion of profound sympathy to the New York Stock Exchange. 

MEMORIAL SERVICES IN VIENNA. 

In Vienna, on the 19th of September, memorial services were held a* 
the American Church at the same time as the funeral took place at Can- 
ton. The Master of the Household represented Emperor Francis Joseph. 
The Prince of Lichtenstein. Count Golouchowski, the Minister of For- 
eign Affairs; Dr. Koerber, the President of the Cabinet and Minister of 
the Interior, and all his associates, with many prominent civil and mili- 
tary personages were present. 

United States Minister McCormick, referring to the religious faith of 
the late President, said : 

"His faith was as complete and steadfast as it was broad and gen- 
erous. Once at the beginning of the war with Spain, when he had worked 
late into the night, Mr. McKinley pushed back his chair and closed his 
desk wearily. Adjutant General Corbin, who sat beside him, said: 

" 'You are wearied to death, Mr. President.' McKinley replied, 'Yes, 
and I could not keep it up, Corbin, did I not feel that I was doing the 
work of the Master.' " 

In addition to Mr. McCormick and the members of the United States 
Legation, Lloyd C. Griscom, United States Minister to Persia; Charles S. 
P'rancis, United States Minister to Greece, Eoumania, and Servia, and 
Frank D. Chester, United States Consul at Buda-Pesth, attended the 
services. Many who sought admission had to be turned away. 








v> , 



t^-5^ 



THE FIKST M. E. CHURCH. CANTON, OHIO. 

Where President McKinley's Funeral Was Held. 




PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S TRANSCONTINENTAL TRIP. 

From the platform of Ih*" train Mr. .MrKinlev grrfted ihnusaiujs. whu. at 
every station, were wiiitlng to give him weluume. 




FUNERAl TRAIN REMOVING PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S BODY 
EROM BUFFALO TO CAPITOL. 




PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S FUNERAL CORTEGE ON THE WAY TO 
THE CAPITOL AT WASHINGTON. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

TWO OF OUR PRESIDENTIAL TRAGEDIES. 

The Mortal Wounds of Garfield and McKinley Scientifically Compared— The Case Profes- 
sionally Considered and a Most Interesting Study Made of the Medical Mysteries 
Attending the Ueath of the Two Latest Presidents Elected from Ohio. 

The names of Garfield and McKinley have been coupled together in 
the speech of millions all over the world during the sad first September 
of the century. The widow of President Garfield has lived over again 
the sorrows of the summer that was so fearful for her. It is horribly 
strange that two men of Ohio, distinguished on the battlefield and in the 
House of Representatives, and elected President on their merits, both 
men combining immense capacity with incessant industry, should re- 
ceive mortal wounds from two depraved egotists, each of the murderers 
equipped with a pistol, one shooting his victim selected as the head of 
the nation for slaughter. The assassin of Garfield shot him in the back, 
and was hidden in the recess between a door and a Avindow, and un- 
noticed until the President of the United States walked in, accompanied 
by the Secretary of State, James G. Blaine, when there was a sound 
of a fire cracker and Garfield fell; McKinley, extending his hand as an 
act of courtesy to a citizen, who managed to force himself almost into 
contact with the President, and shot him through a handkerchief. There 
never were more venomous reptile scoundrels born than the murderers 
of the two Presidents who were representative of the high civilization 
of a great industrial community. It happened that the funeral of Mc- 
Kinley was on the anniversary of the death of Garfield. 

There were two shots fired by the murderer in each case. Garfield 
was hit first slightly in the left arm, a mere flesh-wound, as was the first 
received by McKinley. The Journal of the American Medical Associa- 
tion says: 

The second and fatal wound of President Garfield was caused by a 
44-caliber bullet from a British bulldog revolver, fired from the rear. 
The result of the autopsy showed how completely the distinguished 
surgeons in attendance had been deceived as to the real nature of 
the injury; for instead of passing through the liver, transversiug the 
18 3" 



312 TWO OF OUR PRESIDENTIAL TRAGEDIES. 

abdominal cavity, and lodging in the anterior wall, as was thought, the 
wound was entirely extra-peritoneal. The records of the autopsy leave 
no room for doubt, for the post-mortem was made by the President's 
eight surgeons themselves and the report was signed by all. The official 
announcement of its results said: 

"It was found that the ball, after fracturing the right eleventh rib, 
had passed through the spinal column in front of the spinal canal, frac- 
turing the body of the first lumbar vertebra, driving a number of small 
fragments of bone into the adjacent soft parts and lodging below the 
pancreas, about two inches and a half to the left of the spine and behind 
the pei'itoneum, where it had become completely encysted. 

"The immediate cause of death was secondary hemorrhage from one 
of the mesenteric arteries adjoining the track of the ball, the blood rup- 
turing the peritoneum and nearly a pint escaping into the abdominal 
cavity. An abscess cavity, 6x4 inches in dimensions, was found in the 
vicinity of the gall-bladder, between the liver and the transverse colon, 
which were strongly adherent. It did not involve the substance of the 
liver, and no communication was found between it and the wound. A 
long suppurating channel extended from the external wound between 
the loin muscles and the right kidney almost to the groin. This channel, 
now known to be due to the burrowing of pus from the wound, was sup- 
posed during life to be the track of the ball." 

While the immediate cause of President Garfield's death is said to 
have been secondary hemorrhage, such a result was due to a sloughing 
blood vessel, one of the usual terminations of septic cases. President 
Garfield had pyemia. His symptoms indicated it; the autopsy proved it. 
The question has been asked a thousand times during the last few days 
on account of the favorable bulletins reporting President McKinley's 
condition, if his distinguished predecessor in office could have been 
saved by modern surgery. Possibly he could, though it is optimistic and 
presuming too much to say that such a result would have been, as has 
so often been said in the recent past, reasonably certain. 

A 44-caliber revolver bullet fracturing the rib, then crashing through 
the body of a lumbar vertebra and driving a. number of fragments into the 
soft parts, thence lodging behind the pancreas, makes a wound and 
condition not to be despised by even the boldest and deftest of modern 
operators. Moreover, President Garfield was a stout man, which would 
have increased the difficulties. Were such a bullet promptly located 



TWO OF OUR PRESIDENTIAL TRAGEDIES. 313 

to-day by the X-Rays, any experienced and conscientious surgeon would 
hesitate as to his course. If he elected to remove the bullet, again he 
would be embarrassed to know whether it were best to choose the 
anterior or posterior route. A laminectomy is a comparatively simple 
operation in a thin subject, but to reach the body of a vertebra, much 
less go anterior to it, as would have been necessary to have recovered 
the ball and removed the spiculpe of bone driven forward by it, in a pa- 
tient of President Garfield's build, would have taxed both the anatom- 
ical knowledge and surgical daring of the greatest of his surgeons, the 
gifted Agnew. If the anterior route were chosen, one has only to think 
of the important vessels and nerves superimposed on the bullet, and 
almost in contact with it By either, anterior or posterior route, 
the danger from hemorrhage would of necessity have been great. 

Again, can we say that pyemia has been banished from surgery? 
Certainly not; rare it is, to be sure, at present; but President Garfield 
had just the kind of a wound that is to-day, with all our much-vaunted 
aseptic and antiseptic surgery, difficult to treat and uncertain in its re- 
sults. Compound fractures, especially of soft bones such as vertebra 
and ribs in inaccessible situations, constitute the most fertile cause of 
pyemia to-day. Moreover, pyemia following bone injuries is admittedly 
more fatal than pyemia following injury to soft parts. Therefore, there 
should not have been at the time so much criticism of those brave and 
skillful men who labored incessantly for nearly three months to save 
their distinguished patient. Now that the matter is up again for dis- 
cussion, it should be the duty of medical men, particularly, to set mat- 
ters and history right, and not encourage the belief, so general, that 
President Garfield's wound, fatal in 1881, would be trivial to-day. It 
was fatal in 1881 and would probably be fatal in 1901. Mistakes may 
have been made, but even if they had not been, there is little likelihood 
that the nation would have been spared the poignant grief at the bril- 
liant Garfield's untimely taking-off and the disgrace of a second mur-, 
dered President. 

President McKinley was shot from the front with a 32-caliber ball' 
entering five inches below the left nipple and one and one-half inches 
to the left of the median line. It transversed the abdominal cavity, per- 
forating both anterior and posterior walls of the stomach, the opening 
in the former being small, the one in the latter large and ragged — just 
the character of wound usually made by a pistol ball at close range. 



314 TWO OF OUR PRESIDENTIAL TRAGEDIES. 

After thorough closure of the gastric wounds, from which there had been 
some extravasation, a careful search was made for other possible injur- 
ies. None was discovered, and the surgeons were reasonably certain 
that the bullet had found lodgment in the muscles of the back. The ab- 
dominal cavity was freely irrigated with normal salt solution and closed 
without drainage by through-and-through sutures of silkworm gut. A 
small piece of clothing — presumably from the undershirt — had been 
carried in by the bullet, but was, we understand from the statements 
given out, found in the abdominal portion of the wound. 

In exploring the abdomen, Dr. Mann acted wisely in enlarging the 
original wound, rather than performing median section. Irrigation of 
the cavity is to be distinctly commended; likewise the use of interrupted 
sutures, saving as they do the loss of time, and facilitating to no incon- 
siderable degree, when rightly placed, drainage — two important ele- 
ments in the President's condition. 

Whether or not provision should have been made for further drain- 
age depends entirely upon the existing conditions, and they were best 
judged by the distinguished surgeons charged with the responsibility 
of saving, if possible, the most precious life in the world. The profession 
has had the utmost confidence in each of them; the nation has shown its 
gratitude for the promptness with which their awful responsibility was 
assumed, and the thoroughness and ability with which it was carried 
out. 

If the operation had been huri-ied there might be some reason to feel 
that possibly each step of it could not have been considered as judi- 
ciously as the occasion demanded. Such was not the case; the President 
was under ether an hour and a half, and was in such good condition 
all the time that there was no demand made upon the operator for haste. 
The autopsy shows that good judgment was shown in not prolonging 
search for the ball. 

In declining to use the X-rays subsequently, notwithstanding the 
general anxiety as to the ball's exact location, the surgeons were judi- 
ciously passive and followed the teachings of the greatest of military 
surgeons. A second anesthesia and operation for the extraction of a 32- 
caliber bullet in the muscles of the back would, under the circum- 
stances, have been not only injudicious, but censurable. One cannot 
forbear to say at this time that the Roentgen rays are not an unmixed 
blessing, as death has followed operations for encysted bullets that were 



TWO OF OUR PRESIDENTIAL TRAGEDIES. 315 

doing no harm at the time of their removal. One of a yielding nature 
maj be induced to act against his better judgment, on account of the 
anxiety and importunings of patient and friends, always greater than 
they should be, but due to an exaggerated importance given by laymen 
to the "ball" and its recovery. Those who knew the President's sur- 
geons personally have felt assured from the first that no precipitate action 
would be taken to meet a danger largely chimerical in its nature, whilst 
urgent, portentous, awful problems were pressing forward for solution. 

What were the probabilities when it was known that President 
McKinley, a man fifty-eight years "old, with a weak heart, had sus- 
tained a penetrating wound of the abdomen? Death, undoubtedly, was 
the likelier issue. When, however, the details of the operation were 
given on Saturday morning, and it was recalled that the President was 
shot at 4:30 in the afternoon, when his stomach was presumably empty, 
or nearly so, more than a modicum of comfort and hope was felt by a 
stricken nation. The operation had been promptly done; it had been 
thoroughly well done; it had been done by the best exponents of modern 
surgery. The incidents of the first, second, and third days — the period 
of greatest danger — were distinctly favorable to the President's recov- 
ery, though his abnormally high pulse rate caused uneasiness. It had all 
along been out of proportion to the temperature and respirations, but 
it was explained as being usual with him. The fourth and fifth days 
served only to fortify his surgeons in the opinion already expressed 
that he would recover. It seemed that he would and that he should 
get well; yet there were still dangers ahead to which a too hopeful and 
impulsive people were oblivious. They came on the sixth day, and 
had practically ended this magnificent life in another twenty-four 
hours! 

Of the exact causes leading to the change which resulted in death, 
we shall know more when the full report of the autopsy is published. 
This will be after cultures have been made and a histological examination 
has been comjileted. When this full scientific report is officially given 
out it will be time to discuss tlie cause which led to the necrotic con- 
dition found at the autopsy, but not before. Until then at least there 
should be no criticism of the management of the case, and full credence 
should be given to the official bulletins signed by the attending sur- 
geons, and to these only. The absence from Buffalo of the nearest rela- 
tives of President Mckinley at the time of the unfavorable change 



316 TWO OF OUR PRESIDENTIAL TRAGEDIES. 

showed plainly enough that they had left him doing so well that only 
recovery was thought of. The public was fairly and candidly treated 
from beginning to end. The unexpected happened. While the nation 
grieves as it has never done before on account of the pathetic and 
unusual circumstances surrounding President McKinley's death, we 
should give full credit and honor to the heroic surgeons who, with a 
moment's notice, gave to the President of the United States everything 
that science had to offer. As we think, so will the lay press, his country- 
men, and the world. 

The criticisms of 1881 are not, we hope, to be repeated. The cour- 
ageous action of Dr. Mann and his associates in x^erforming an immedi- 
ate laparotomy is more to be commended now than it would have been 
three years ago; for since our war with Spain and the Anglo-Boer war 
in South Africa non-intervention in gunshot wounds of the abdomen 
has been the rule in military surgery. A masterly inactivity in such 
injuries has had the weighty indorsement of Senn, Nancrede, Lagarde, 
Parker, and other surgeons of prominence in our army, and Treves, Sir 
William MacCormac, and others of the English surgical staff. Slany of 
the supposed perforating wounds of the abdominal cavity in the Ameri- 
can and English armies recovered without operation. A rule which 
is applicable and proper in military surgerj' cannot always be accepted 
in civil practice. The wounds are different; the facilities and environ- 
ments are different. The modern rifle ball is small, conical, .303 of an 
inch in caliber, of great velocity, and cuts like a knife. Such a wound 
occurring in soldiers with comparatively empty gastro-intestinal tracts 
— brought about by starvation and diarrhea, common conditions in 
soldiers — might be recovered from; whereas, a pistol ball, which is 
usually larger, rounder, and of less velocity, makes a greater and more 
ragged opening, through which extravasation from any of the hollow 
viscera injured would almost surely take place. It is also far more 
likely to carry in clothing and other foreign material which would 
have a tendency to cause irritation and even sepsis. 

It is of interest to recall the fact that the first successful laparotomy 
for a shot wound of the abdomen was a pistol shot wound of the 
stomach, successfully operated on by Kocher of Berne in 1881. Kin- 
loch of South Carolina had previously (1882) unsuccessfully operated on 
a case of multiple wounds of the smaller intestines. The first success- 
ful laparotomy for an intestinal wound was by W. T. Bull in 1884. 



TWO OF OUR PRESIDENTIAL TRAGEDIES. 317 

« 

While the prompt, commendable and praiseworthy surgery at Buf- 
falo did not result, as it deserved to, in the recovery of President 
McKinley, it has placed the treatment of gunshot wounds of the 
abdomen upon a firmer and better footing than ever before; just at a 
time, too, when it had suffered a partial eclipse, on account of the 
teachings of military surgeons; teachings which are right for the battle- 
field and emergency hospitals, with their poor equipment for abdominal 
work, but wrong when one can have the benefit of timely aid from a 
competent abdominal surgeon in a well-equipped modern hospital. 

If in dying this great and good man has advanced the cause of sur- 
gery, and has been the means of exterminating anarchy in the country 
he loved and served so well, then he will not have suffered and died in 
vain! 

It is not unusual for physicians or surgeons to make mistakes in 
judgment, and therefore it often occurs, when a case is ended and death 
supervenes, that those who have been in attendance look back and 
wish they had done a little differently here or there. Such things are 
liable to occur until the time comes when human judgment is infallible. 
But reviewing the facts of President McKinley's case from the begin- 
ning, so far as they have come to us from reliable sources, and supple- 
menting the reports by all that we can reasonably surmise, we see no 
reason for the slightest criticism of the surgical and medical treatment. 
Whatever medical science could do at the present time was apparently 
done. The administration of a minute quantity of solid food on Sep- 
tember 11, which has been criticised, appears to us to have been per- 
fectly justifiable, and that it could have had no ill effect is suflflciently 
proven by the autopsy. From the prompt acceptance of responsibility 
by the surgeons at the beginning to the last sad phase, there is nothing 
in the conduct of the case that calls for self-reproach on their part or 
justifies criticism of their course by others. It shows more promi- 
nently than many cases our limitations, and is in this way humiliating, 
but this does not in any way detract from the services of those who did 
all that human wisdom and ability could do. 

The medical journal of Philadelphia, "American Medicine," says: 

The surgery of the stomach has existed but little over twenty years. 
It is true that before 1880 occasional recoveries followed wounds of the 
stomach, more by good luck than good management, and gastrotomy, 
like Cesarian section, has been practiced all through the Christian era 



318 TWO OF OUR PRESIDENTI'AL TRAGEDIES. 

when surgeons were driven to it; but the last twenty years have revolu- 
tionized this branch of surgery. The discovery of anesthetics has made 
prolonged operations possible; Lord Lister's contribution of antisepsis 
has made operative intervention practicable with a certainty of recov- 
ery which, were it not an everyday occurrence, would be considered 
miraculous. While in olden times wounds within the abdomen were 
treated "expectantly" and patients allowed to die of hemorrhage or 
peritonitis, many lives are now saved by early surgical intervention. In 
this progress Americans have had no small part. » Gross, Parkes and 
Senn, by their thorough experimental studies, have thrown a flood of 
light into the study of abdominal surgery. The work of Gross on "The 
Natiire and Treatment of Intestinal Injuries," begun in 1841, was one of 
the earliest studies of this subject from an experimental standpoint, 
while Parkes, author of "Gunshot Wounds of the Small Intestines," 
was practically the first to show, by saving nine dogs out of nineteen by 
operation, while eighteen treated expectantly all died, that operation 
offers the best hope for recovery in penetrating wounds of the abdomen. 
The advance of surgery since the assassination of the lamented 
Garfield is so marked as to demand comment, particularly the advance 
in surgery of the peritoneal cavity. The introduction of scientific and 
systematic antisepsis and asepsis and a better knowledge of the physi- 
ology and pathology of the peritoneum are responsible for this splendid 
progress. The multiplicity of operations devised and successfully per- 
formed upon the stomach, such as gastrostomy, gastrotomy, pylorec- 
tomy, and, more recently, the operation for gastric ulcer, have shown 
the limits and possibilities of gastric surgery. Since 1846, when 
Sedillot performed the first gastrostomy upon a human being, until 
the present time, there has been a steady advance. In 1881 Kydygier 
operated first successfully for ulcer of the stomach, and the next year 
Czerny also reported a successful resection of a gastric ulcer; now medi- 
cal literature is filled with reports of practicable operations on the 
alimentary canal. But it is unfair to compare the statistics of elective 
operations with the results of accidental and emergency surgery, in 
which shock, hemorrhage and the escape of intestinal and gastric 
contents into the peritoneal cavity may have occurred. A review of the 
statistics of gunshot wounds of the abdomen is not encouraging. In less 
than five per cent of those in which the peritoneal cavity has been pene- 
trated have the viscera, escaped injury. Of any one hundred such wounds 



TWO OF OUR PRESIDENTIAL TRAGEDIES. 319 

as they occurred during the Civil War there were sixty-four of the intes- 
tines, seventeen of the liver, seven and three-fourths of the stomach and 
kidneys, three of the spleen and one-half of one of the pancreas. The 
general mortality has been very high, its rate being in our Civil War 
87.2 per cent, and in general wars, as tabulated by Otis, 75.1 per cent. 
Even in the less gTave injuries of civil life the mortality until recently 
has been generally much about 50 per cent. For a long time the results 
were so unfavorable, whether cases were treated by exploratory laparo- 
tomy or by the "do nothing" system, that surgeons were divided as to 
the proper plan of procedure; but present increased knowledge and experi- 
ence have brought better results, and all are now agreed that early and 
rapid operation with arrest of hemorrhage, toilet of peritoneum, 
removal of irritant and septic material and careful closure of any and 
all openings in the viscera, offer the best hope of saving life. All 
observations show that the chances of recovery rapidly diminish in pro- 
portion to the lapse of time before operation, the patient rarely surviving 
a section done a half day or more subsequent to the injury. Korte, 
Reclus, Nogues, Morton and others have collected statistics giving the 
death rate after operation varying from 65 per cent to 78 per cent, and 
personal reports from fifty-five of our American surgeons of all their cases 
of abdominal gunshot wounds give a mortality rate of 70.66 per cent. 

"The Medical News" says in an editorial on "The Mentally Un- 
balanced in Modern Life," in referring to the shooting of President Mc- 
Kinley : 

It would seem as though such occurrences must be more or less in- 
evitable in our modern life, for the unbalanced we have always with us, 
and the psychological moment that prepares so sad an occurrence as this 
may not easily be detected. Yet there are certain lessons that the event 
teaches, certain warnings that it emphasizes. When the struggle for life 
was severer than at present, many more of the mentally unqualified were 
eliminated early in life. There is in our crowded world an ever-growing 
number of individuals to whom chance influences may prove the source 
of impulses to acts with consequences out of all proimrtion to the original 
influence, and it is to be regretted that this country has been chosen as 
an outlet for an immense number of this class, as well as a general 
rendezvous for criminals who cannot find a resting place in their own 
land. There is need, then, for a. more thorough and honest control of 
immigration, and it daily becomes more apparent that not only those who 



320 TWO OF OUR PRESIDENTIAL TRAGEDIES. 

suffer from physical ills and financial stress should be refused an entrance 
here, but those whose early surroundings and training have been such as 
to engender the seeds of anti-social conduct. 



PHYSICIANS WHO ATTENDED PRESIDENT MCKINLEY DECLARE THAT THERE 
WAS NO DISAGREEMENT CONCERNING THE CASE. 

Buffalo, Sept. 17. — The following statement was given out to-night by 
the physicians who attended President McKinley during his last illness : 

The undersigned surgeons and physicians who were in attendance 
on the late President McKinley have had their attention called to certain 
sensational statements recently published indicating dissensions and 
recriminations among them. 

We desire to say to the press and public, once for all, that every such 
publication and all alleged interviews with any of us containing criticism 
of one another or of anj of our associates are false. 

We say again that there was never a serious disagreement among 
the professional attendants as to any of the symptoms or as to the treat- 
ment of the case or as to the bulletins which were issued. A very unusual 
harmony of opinion and action prevailed all through the case. 

The unfortunate result could not have been foreseen before the unfav- 
orable symptoms declared themselves late on the sixth day and could not 
have been prevented by any human agency. 

Pending the completion and publication of the official reports tit the 
[lost-mortem examiners and attending staff we shall refuse to make any 
further statements for publication, and alleged interviews with any of us 
may be known to be fictitious. Matthew D. Mann. 

Roswell Park. 
Herman Mynter. 
Eugene Wasdin. 
Charles G. Stockton. 

While there were no officially recognized discussions among the medi- 
cal men, it seems certain there were some serious differences of opinion, 
especially as to whether the fatal bullet was poisoned. There is one satis- 
faction in the united testimony of the physicians. The case was profes- 
sionally well haudlcd, and the wound was a death stroke from the start. 
The cause of death was plainly gangTene. The handkerchief through 
which the assassin fired was a woman's handkerchief. It was an ordinary 



TWO OF OUR PRESIDENTIAL TRAGEDIES. 821 

fabric of white cotton, sucli as cau be purchased foi* five cents. It was of 
the uaachine hemstitched varietj, about ten inches square. One of the 
corners was missing, having been burned by the exploding powder, or 
shot away altogether by a bullet speeding to its mark. At first glance 
the handkerchief, with two holes near the middle, looked not unlike a 
mask improvised by bandits with openings through which to see. The 
tw^o openings, each somewhat larger than a silver dollar, and with 
fringes singed brown by the fiames of burning powder, showed unmis- 
takably where the bullets passed through. The presence of the two 
holes and a rent was explained by the theory that one of the bullets 
passed through the handkerchief at a point where it happened to have 
been gathered momentarily in a fold. 

When the President was shot Detective Gallaher was one of the 
secret service men in the vicinity of the spot where the Presidential 
reception was being held in the Temple of Music of the Pan-American 
Fair. He was not by any means the nearest of the grouj) of secret service 
men, but he was one of the first to pounce on the assassin after the reports 
from Czolgosz' revolver resounded in the great rotunda. 

Other secret service men wrenched the revolver from the assassin's 
grasp as they fell on him. In the excitement incident to the endeavor 
to save the murderer from the enraged crowds Detective Gallaher alone 
surmised that the handkerchief through which the revolver shots pene- 
trated had Ijcen used for a "blind." 

Only by the circumstance that the handkerchief had caught fire was 
Gallaher's suspicion aroused. He picked it uji, believing that it had been 
used as a strategem for securing unmolested approach to the President — 
a view which the Chicago detective heard confirmed later in the confession 
made by Czolgosz to the Buffalo police. 

The fight that the physicians made to save the life of the President 
is set forth in a most interesting way as follows : 

The doctors attending the President defend the administering of 
food and assert that it was absolutely necessary to do so. The reasojj 
for the resulting bad effects thej explain by saying that the intestines 
failed to do their part — not the stomach. As to the food admiuistci'cd 
it was almost nothing, and, under normal conditions, would not be a 
moutliful for a child. 

One of the surgeons attending the President was told that many people 
were criticising the surgeons for having permitted the President to eat 



322 TWO OF OUR PRESIDENTIAL TRAGEDIES. 

toast, because there was a general belief, among laymen at any rate, that 
toast was a substance that would be gritty and tend to irritate the weak- 
ened stomach. In reply he said: 

"I know we were criticised, and bitterly, whenever a change for the 
worse appeared in the President's condition, no matter what we did. 
If he had recovered, the people would have been grateful to us. People 
cannot be altogether responsible at such a time and in such matters as 
this, and we are too human ourselves to expect them to be. 

"But about the toast?" The physician held out his index finger and 
the one next to it and crossed them just below the nail of the index finger. 
"There," he said, "that is as large as the piece of toast the President had, 
and it was quite thin, much thinner by half than are my fingers. He 
merely nibbled at the toast. He had hardly a mouthful of it, not a 
mouthful, not half a bite altogether. It was given to him not so much as 
food, but because there seemed to be no better way of removing the heavy 
coating on his tongue and the inside of his mouth. The coating was 
disagreeable to him and was endangering his comfort." 

The surgeon added that of all the troubles of the surgeons of the last 
twenty-four hours none was more distressing to them than the way the 
President's heart acted. Some people have said that the President had 
a "tobacco heart." This description has not satisfied the physicians. 
They cannot understand the causes whicli influenced the action of 
the heart, and they cannot treat at all conditions which have symptoms 
which they cannot understand. Altogether the irregularity of the heart 
action had been the most alarming feature of their day's work. 

Concerning the development of intestinal toxaemia in the President's 
case this explanation is made : 

Toxfemia means the presence of a toxin or poison in the system. In- 
testinal toxaemia means that the toxin is in evidence somewhere within 
the alimentary canal, between the beginning of the duodenum at the 
pyloric orifice of the stomach and the sphincter ani. This portion of the 
alimentary tract is twenty-five feet in length and comprises the small 
and large intestines. The former is twenty feet in length and the latter 
five feet. 

Toxic products developed in the intestinal canal must of necessity 
arise from imperfectly digested food. The poisonous substances which 
thus develop are termed ptomaines. If not swept out of the tract they 
increase with alarming rapidity and unless checked the entire system 



TWO OF OUR PRESIDENTIAL TRAGEDIES. 3fl3 

succumbs to the effects of the poison. The heart muscle relaxes and 
becomes atonic and a fatal, termination is inevitably the result. This 
saturating of the system by toxins develoj^ed in this manner is called 
auto-intoxication. Intestinal toxnemia is more likely to develop in the 
small intestines, probably in the duodenum, jejunum, ileum, caecum, or 
in some portion of the ascending, transverse or descending colon. 

The failing heart is aggravated by the conditions of the stomach and- 
remaining portions of the alimentary' tract in such cases. 

It was said that an irritation at the rectal opening developed as a 
result of administration of nourishment per rectum by means of a rectal 
tube, and that in consequence the sphincter ani, the muscle which con- 
trols the termination of the large intestine, became relaxed and refused to 
perform its function. The liquid nourishment could not, therefore, be 
retained, and it became absolutely necessary to administer food by the 
mouth. 

Conceding that the repair of the stomach had reached a point where 
that organ could resume its normal activity and perform its function in a 
satisfactory manner, then, in the opinion of the attending physicians, 
according to a statement which is vouched for, it made no difference 
whether the food given in the natural way consisted of liquids or solids. 
It is further asserted that the stomach did perform its function, but that 
the intestines failed to respond to the demand made upon them by the 
partly digested food, after it had passed from the stomach through the 
pylorus and into the duodenum. 

When it is remembered that the most important part of digestion 
takes place in the intestines and not in the stomach, as was formerly 
believed, this is an important consideration. The nutritious elements 
of the food are absorbed from the intestinal walls, and a failure on the 
part of the walls to perform their function threatens starvation. 

In the present instance relaxation of not only the sphincter ani 
resulted, but relaxation and atony of the entire intestinal tract followed. 
As a consequence, the partially digested food simply formed an inert 
mass in the intestines, which were unable either to convert it into 
stimulating and nourishing products or to expel it. It remained there, 
for a time, neither more nor less than a hotbed for the production of toxic 
agents. Hence the early and vigorous employment of cathartics, whose 
depressing effects the physicians endeavored to counteract by the use of 
powerful cardiac and respiratory stimulants. 



324 TWO OF OUR PRESIDENTIAL TRAGEDIES. 

Dr. Mann gave his views as follows : 

"The only parts in the abdominal cavity penetrated or touched by 
the bullet were the stomach walls and the top of the kidney. Pancreas 
was not touched, although it was involved in the gangrenous process. 

"I was surprised, in fact astounded, at the condition of the internal 
organs revealed by the autopsy. In all my experience I have never found 
organs in such a state." 

"Did you share in the general feeling that the President would surely 
recover?" 

"No, I did not. When the most optimistic feeling existed I said, and 
was quoted as saying, that Mr. McKinley was not yet out of the woods." 

Concerning the Wasdin assertion of poison a distinguished surgeon 
of New York says: 

"First, as to the question you ask me, 'Were the bullets poisoned?' 
I am most strongly inclined to think so with Dr. Wasdin. You will 
remember there have been numerous rumors, hints growing stronger and 
stronger, that the bullets were poisoned? Wasdiu's reasoning that they 
were is almost convincing. Gangrene followed wherever the bullet 
struck. You just understand the difference between gangrene and peri- 
tonitis. Gangrene is local death — putrefaction in effect." 

"I have considered the President's condition critical from the begin- 
ning," said Dr. B. B. Eads. "I have held this view in that his rapid 
heart beats and his temperature have not corresponded. The trouble 
had its seat in the heart and probably had been going on there for years. 
So far as his treatment is concerned, it was up to date, and I believe that 
for efficiency and speed the operation was one of the most creditable ever 
performed." 

"I, too, have never felt certain that the President would recover," 
said Dr. E. J. Senn. "The patient's pulse was always high. The news, 
while startling to the public at large, did not astonish me, for a high pulse 
always shows critical conditions." 

"This high temperature always showed that the trouble was serious," 
said Dr. Allen Haight. "When a temperature of 102 comes as a result 
of a wound it is alarming. The relapse may have been caused by either 
of two things — pain caused by the failure of the stomach to act or as a 
result of pressure of gas. So far as we in this city can judge the Presi- 
dent had the best of care." 

"The President's pulse was rapid enough all of the time to cause 



TWO OF OUR PBE8IDENTIAL TRAGEDIES. 325 

alarm," said Di-. Christian Fenger, "and such a sinking spell as he 
suffered was not to be considered probable. So far as the sinking spell 
is concerned, there seemed to be no direct cause for it. The desire of 
the patient to smoke a cigar was a splendid sign, but it could not, with 
safety, have been given him, for the effect of smoke on a convalescent 
is uncertain and may, in weakening the heart, do great harm." 

Dr. D. W. Graham was not surprised by the relapse. "A gunshot 
through the stomach is next in danger to one through the head," he said. 
"Such wounds always are critical. The sinking spell was not to be 
wondered at, for the case was grave from the first. His pulse was 146 the 
tirst day — a dangerous sign — and while it has been as low as 115, usually 
ran about 120. Even under ordinary circumstances that is a bad sign. 
Then, too, if I am not mistaken, there were signs of a tobacco heart. 1 
have no criticism to make on this case, for the President was well 
attended. If the food taken by the patient caused his sinking no one can 
be blamed, for the President had been without food for a week. After 
that time food should be taken through the mouth or the patient would 
starve. 

"The food given him was strictly proper — the toast, the only solid part 
of it, being wholly unobjectionable. It could not have done any mechani- 
cal injury, for the wounds in the stomach heal quickly. Within twenty- 
four hours after the operation the stitches might have been removed and 
the stomach might then have stood digestion. I am satisfied that all 
that could be done by surgical and medical skill was accomplished." 

The tragedy of Garfield has never been so well told as in the peroration 
of Blaine's oration before the Houses of Congress : 

"On the morning of Saturday, July 2d, the President was a contented 
and happy man — not in an ordinary degi-ee, but joyfully, almost boyishly 
happy. On his way to the railroad station, to which he drove slowly, 
in conscious enjoyment of the beautiful morning, with an unwonted 
sense of leisure, and a keen anticipation of pleasure, his talk was all 
in the grateful and gratulatory vein. He felt that after four months of 
trial his administration was strong in its grasp of affairs, strong in 
popular favor, and destined to gi-ow stronger ;jthat grave difficulties con- 
fronting him in his inauguration had been safely passed; that ti-oubles 
lay behind him and not before him, that he was soon to meet the wife 
whom he loved, now recovering from an illness which had but lately 



326 TWO OF OUR PRESIDENTIAL TRAGEDIES. 

disquieted and at times almost unnerved liim ; that he was going to his 
alma mater to renew the most cherished associations of his young 
manhood, and to exchange greetings with those whose deepening interest 
had followed every step of his upward progress from the day he entered 
upon his college course until he attained the loftiest elevation in the gift 
of his countrymen. 

"Surely, if happiness can ever come from the honors or triumphs of 
this world, on that quiet morning James A. Garfield may well have been 
a happy man. No foreboding of evil haunted him; no slightest pre- 
monition of danger clouded his sky. His terrible fate was upon him 
in an instant. One moment he stood erect, strong, confident, in the 
years stretching peacefully out before him. The next he lay wounded, 
bleeding, helpless, doomed to weary weeks of torture, to silence and the 
grave. 

"Great in life, he was surpassingly great in death. For no cause, in 
the very frenzy of wantonness and wickedness, by the red hand of murder, 
he was thrust from the full tide of this world's interests, from its hopes, 
its aspirations, its victories, into the visible presence of death — and he 
did not quail. Not alone for one short moment, in which, stunned and 
dazed, he could give up life, hardly aware of its relinquishment, but 
through days of deadly languor, through weeks of agony, that was not 
less agony because silently borne, with clear sight and calm courage, 
he looked into his open grave. What blight and ruin met his anguished 
eyes, whose lips may tell — what brilliant, bi'oken plans, what baffled, 
high ambitions, what sundering of strong, warm, manhood's friendship, 
what bitter rending of sweet household ties! Behind him a proud, 
expectant nation, a great host of sustaining friends, a cherished and 
happy mother, wearing the full, rich honors of her early toil and tears; 
the wife of his youth, whose whole life lay in his; the little boys not yet 
emerged from childhood's day of frolic; the fair, young daughter; the 
sturdy sons just springing into closest companionship, claiming every 
day and every day rewarding a father's love and care; and in his heart 
the eager, rejoicing power to meet all demand. Before him, desolation 
and great darkness! And his soul was not shaken. His countrymen 
were thrilled with instant, profound and universal sympathy. Master- 
ful in his mortal w^eakness, he became the center of a nation's love, 
enshrined in the prayers of a world. But all the love and all the 
sympathy could not share with him his suffering. He trod the wine- 




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TWO OF OUR PRESIDENTIAL TRAGEDIES. 329 

press alone. With unfaltoriug front he faced death. With unfailing 
tenderness he took leave of life. Above the demoniac hiss of the assassin's 
bullet he heard the voice of God. With a simple resignation he bowed to 
the Divine decree. 

"As the end drew near, his early craving for the sea returned. The 
stately mansion of power has been to him the wearisome hospital of 
pain, and he begged to be taken from his prison walls, from its oppressive, 
stifling air, from its homelessness and its hopelessness. Gently, silently, 
the love of a great people bore the pale sufferer to the longed-for healing 
of the sea, to live or to die, as God should will, within sight of its heaving 
billows, within sound of its manifold voices. With wan, fevered face 
tenderly lifted to the cooling breeze, he looked out wistfully upon the 
ocean's changing wonders; on its far sails, whitening in the morning 
light; on its restless waves rolling shoreward to break and die beneath 
the noonday sun ; on the red clouds of evening, arching low to the horizon ; 
on the serene and shining pathway of the stars. Let us think that his 
dying eyes read a mystic meaning which only the rapt and parting soul 
may know. Let us believe in the silence of the receding world he heard 
the great waves breaking on a further shore and felt already upon his 
wasted brow the breath of the eternal morning." 

This famous passage of a noble oration will carry the story of the 
death of Garfield far along with its melancholy beauty, and each mind and 
heart can apply that which was said of Garfield to McKinley, and in the 
painting of the deathbed scene find portrayed not only the last scene of 
Garfield's life, but the lamentable death of McKinley. 

19 



CHAPTER XXII. 

THE PRESIDENT AND THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

The Inside History of the Paris Negotiation as Told in the Confidential "Cables," Chiefly 
Those of the President, From Which the Injunction of Secrecy Was Only Removed 
in January Last — This, Until Lately Secret History, Gives the Best Expression of the 
Methods of the President and His Character that Anywhere Exists — It Is Most 
Creditable and Gives a Perfectly Authentic Measure of the Man — How McKinley in 
Public Policy Was the Rock, While Those Against Him Were as the Waves. 

It seems to be always clear as the serenity of a cloudless day that 
it will be written broadly and brightly where all men shall read and 
understand, that President McKinley's statesmanship in the expansion 
of our territories, by possessing the archipelagoes of the Pacific that are 
ours, and dispossessing Spain in the west Atlantic as well as the west 
according to the American situation for observation, and we may add the 
Danish Islands which should include Iceland and Greenland, must be 
regarded as a happy and glorious consummation. It was by no means 
simply land greediness that commanded the expansion of our territory, 
to which President McKinley consented. He did not go forth seeking 
land that he might devour it for the sake of the country. If any one 
of a dozen Presidents of the days before the Civil War, and perhaps in 
more than one case since, had McKinley's opportunity, to take Cuba 
strong handed, and stifle resistance, it would have heen improved for 
the common good — upon the broad ground that we need all the 
resources we can gather unto ourselves, all the riches of the torrid and 
arctic climes, as well as of the temperate zone. We need not have so 
tamely given up the scope of the Pacific coast that is held by England. 
We have the better part of the Pacific coast, but we ought to have been 
urgent for more, and asserted the natural rights of the North American 
power. There has not been a great nation of the earth in three hundred 
years that w'ould not have taken the three archipelagoes, our possessions 
in the Pacific, without an hour's actual hesitation. With Porto Rico and 
the Danish Islands we have a commanding position in the West Indies, 
and we do not absolutely need Cuba to fortify the Gulf of Mexico — the 
Mediterranean Ocean of the hemisphere of the Americas. 

330 



THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 331 

There was many a sneer at President McKinley on account of his 
persistently proclaiming the war with Spain was, on our part, one of 
humanity, but that characteristic of the wai-fare was the charm of it 
for McKinley, wTio had held the course of National policy unswervingly 
on a straight line. The result will be, Cuba free to govern herself and 
find the broader freedom under our flag. 

Right to that point drifts the serious public opinion of Cuba, and we 
do not want a miniature South America in the great island so near our 
shores that there is manifest destiny in magnetic attraction. The policy 
of the late President was not impetuous or peremptory, but it was the 
slow but sure and right way. It was not the original purpose of the 
President to grasp the Philippines, but Dewey's victory made for us 
at least the use of the harbor at Manila, the naval arsenal at Cavite, 
and the retention of the command of the wide waters that we gained 
by the destruction of the Spanish fleet. Dewey provided the American 
Asiatic squadron a home on the eastward shore, looking from Asia, of 
the sea of China. The President was the remotest man high in public 
favor, and with a natural American ambition, to be found in the country 
from being a filibuster. He was not of the propaganda of the American 
Presidents Polk, Pierce and Buchanan. He had not even the militant 
methods of Generals Grant, Sherman and Sheridan, who inherited the 
proud passion of the West for the mouth of the Mississippi River, and 
warned Napoleon III. out of Mexico. 

Certainly McKinley did not want the West India islands as sovereign 
states in our Union, and there was wisdom in his reserve. He did not 
desire to push the Ostend Conference policy that made James Buchanan 
President, because he was a member of the Conference, and Douglas 
could not submit his policy of the annexation of Cuba to Pierre Saule. 
We had already a good deal of Mexican territory to put into shape for 
auspicious assimilation. 

The management of President McKinley that has preserved the peace 
in Cuba, since the abandonment of her last American colonies by Sp3in, 
and has at the same time maintained with dignity our rights, isamaster- 
piece, and there has been no difiiculty of importance, because there was 
not a Cuban so factious as not to know he could trust the word of Mc- 
Kinley. It was not the design or desire of President McKinley to acquire 
the Philippine archipelago. He cabled Dewey and called for Merritt, and 
Bought the fullness of information from General Frank Green, and his 



332 THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

first ansietj was that we might occupy one of a thousand islands as a coal 
station. But the difficulties in the way could not be overcome. There 
was no native government. We, after destroying Spanish power, had to 
accept the responsibility of preserving order, and the one way to protect 
the people we had liberated from European colonization was to hold them 
for ourselves. Little attention has been given to the official papers in 
the case of Cuba and the Philippines that were the last to be given to the 
public, because they were so personal to the President, and the presiden- 
tial campaign of last year was so controversial touching our new posses- 
sions, the rights by which we gained them, the use we had for them, what 
they had cost and were costing us, what the war was about and when it 
could be brought to a close, that a thousand shapes of contention arose. 
There was conflict, and there was a fog of dust and smoke, mist and 
sand and gravel in the air, that the time did not seem propitious for the 
trial of the Nation for its official position and proposals, and put into 
court the evidence. 

This testimony is freely available now, and the proof is that first 
and last and all the time President JIcKinley was true to his pledges to 
the Cubans and the Filipinos. — meant what he said all the time — had 
a sense of honor about candor in the matters great and small — was wise, 
strong, true and fair in the most exact sense of the word. Diplomacy 
meant to him plain dealing and fair play. 

The people who seek the truth of history and prize it do not generally 
realize, and the history-makers are hardly conscious of, the paramount 
proof of great transactions that are carried on across continents and 
through oceans by cabled communications. The most certain, self-evi- 
dent truth telling about international questions in dispute is to be found 
in the dispatches telegraphed between the high contending parties. The 
dispatches that passed between the War Office and the Navy and State 
Departments and the generals and admirals, ambassadors and com- 
missioners, give the very atmosphere of the debates — the truth as it 
was, terse and in confidence. The people of our country ought to 
know the full proportions of the work done by William McKinley during 
the war and the times before the war — the negotiations that were pre- 
carious, the military and naval operations that were rushed by wire. 
Heretofore history had not the absolute truth in detail to fall back upon. 
The fact should be brought to the front now and have the electric 
lights turned on it, that all the people may know for themselves what the 



THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 333 

labors of the President were. There is a resource that is new — witnesses 
that cannot lie — and they are in the aggregate thousands and tens of 
thousands of telegrams. The President was not only in the bottom 
secrets, and was the highest authority in them all, but here are bales of 
news that came by wire. We pass over the presidential supervision of 
the three departments immediately associated w'ith the w^ar business, 
where the preparations were made to back our purposes, the taking 
time, for instance, to get ready for war before declaring it — a point at 
which there w^as friction between the President and Congress. 

Take the war itself. One end of it was in Asia, and one in Europe, 
and the storm centers of it were in Cuba and Luzon. The famous 
dispatch to Dewey at Hong Kong was sent first across the Atlantic, then 
across Europe, and then across Asia, and opened the war with a thunder 
clap — a city shaken by the war of our guns, a Spanish fleet in flames, when 
the war had been declared a week. There was a sense in which McKinley 
directed all the operations of the army and the navy and of the diplo- 
matic corps and the consular service. It was as easy to send a cable ten 
thousand or twenty thousand miles giving an order, as for the ranking 
ofiicer in a fleet to signal a ship a mile or half a dozen miles away. In 
the Court of Honor bringing out the whole truth of the naval operations 
at Santiago we have the logs of the several ships, showing what the 
weather was, what the coal supply was, what the signals were, by whom 
the codes were undei'stood, the distances at which firing was done, and 
"vveknow recently the recordsof thecorrespondencebetween the fleetsand 
armies and the War and Xavy Departments — that is, with the President 
himself, who commands all. The chapters of the history of combats are 
well known. This country of ours, and all countries, know about the 
battles, but the knowledge of the talk over the wires between Washington 
City and Paris during the presence in the Frencli Capital of the Com- 
missioners of the two countries, on examination, will soon disclose to the 
student capable of studiousness that very able men represented at Paris 
both nations. 

The President was as closely on the watch, sitting in Washington, 
as he would have lieeu if he had been where he could have been con- 
sulted in conversation. All our Commissioners represented the Presi- 
dent, ])ut Judge Day did so particuhirly in a personal sense. Judge Day 
was an old friend and characterized by the President as a man with a 
"genius for common sense." Secretaries Davis, Frye and Gray were 



334 THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

important representative Senators, and Mr. Whitelaw Reid a scliolarly 
editor with experience of official relations abroad to our foreign affairs. 
The call upon the President to go to the bottom of the archives was 
made Jan. 6, 1899; the injunction of secrecy removed Jan. 31, 1901. 
It was a year and thirty days after the papers were laid on the table of the 
Senate until the removal of the injunction of secrecy. It will be remarked 
that this year included the entire year of the Presidential election. The 
call for the papers was undoubtedly welcomed by the President. The pa- 
pers are all such as he would care to have all the world know. The only 
hesitation that could have been felt on the subject was the respect dueto 
the sensibilities of Spain. The President, in his confidential instruc- 
tions to the Commissioners, took high ground, and we quote: 

"It is my wish that throughout the negotiations intrusted to the 
Commission the purpose and spirit with which the United States ac- 
cepted the unwelcome necessity of war should be kept constantly in 
view. We took up arms only in obedience to the dictates of humanity 
and in the fulfillment of high public and moral obligations. We had no 
design of aggrandizement and no ambition of conquest. Through the 
long course of repeated representations which preceded and aimed to 
avert the struggle, and in the final arbitrament of force, this country 
was impelled solely by the purpose of relieving grievous wrongs and 
removing long-existing conditions which disturbed its tranquillity, 
which shocked the moral sense of mankind, and which could no longer 
be endured. 

"It is my earnest wish that the United States in making peace should 
follow the same high rule of conduct which guided it in facing war. 
It should be as scrupulous and magnanimous in the concluding settle- 
ment as it was just and humane in its original action. The luster and 
the moral strength attaching to a cause which can be confidently rested 
upon the considerate judgment of the world should not under any 
illusion of the hour be dimmed by ulterior designs which might tempt 
us into excessive demands or into an adventurous departure on untried 
paths. It is believed that the true glory and the enduring interests of 
country will most surely be served if an unselfish duty conscientiously 
accepted and a signal triumph honorably achieved shall be crowned 
by such an example of moderation, restraint, and reason in victory as 



THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 335 

best comports with the traditions and character of our enlightened 
Eepublic. 

"Our aim in the adjustment of peace should be directed to lasting 
results and to the achievement of the common good under the demands 
of civilization rather than to ambitious designs. The terms of the proto- 
col were framed upon this consideration. The abandonment of the 
Western Hemisphere by Spain was an imperative necessity. In present- 
ing that requirement we only fulfilled a duty universally acknowledged. 
It involves no ungenerous reference to our recent foe, but simply a recog- 
nition of the plain teachings of history, to say that it was not compatible 
with the assurance of permanent peace on and near our own territory 
that the Spanish flag should remain on this side of the sea." 

The masterful tone of this paper cannot escape attention, nor can the 
lofty sentiment of it be mistaken. The paragraphs we have just quoted 
contain the keynote of the whole proceeding, and the President permitted 
no discordant variation. After passing the guiding principles the Presi- 
dent said, certainly with a distinction of moderation: "The United 
States can not accept less than the cession in full right and sovereignty of 
the island of Luzon. Numerous persons are now held as prisoners by 
the Spanish Government for political acts performed in Cuba, Porto 
Rico, or other Spanish islands in the West Indies, as well as in the 
Philippines. You are instructed to demand the release of these prisoners 
so far as their acts have connection with the matters involved in the 
settlement between the United States and Spain." 

The concluding paragraph of the instruction is : 

"It is desired that your negotiations shall be conducted with all 
possible expedition in order that the treatj' of peace, if you should sue 
ceed in making one, may be submitted to the Senate early in the ensuing 
session. Should you at any time in the course of your negotiations 
desire further instructions, you will ask for them without delay. 

William McKinley." 

The date of this document is September 16, 1898. The first telegram 
from Day of the Commission was dated Paris, September 28, 1898 : 

"Commission send greetings. All well and preparing for meeting 
on Saturday. Spanish Commissioners are here. ^linistcr of Foreign 



336 THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

Affairs entertaius our body, also Spanish Commissioners, on Thursday 
morning at brealifast." 

Telegrams follow: 

Paris, September 28, 1898. 

Commission presented to Minister of Foreign Affairs yesterday. Will 
communicate as to General Greene after we liave seen General Merritt, 
unless you wish to send Mm at once. Day. 

Washington, September 29, 1898. 
Present my congratulations to the Commissioners upon their safe 
arrival in good health, and the auspicious beginning of their important 
•^^orli. William McKinley. 

Washington, September 28, 1898. 
The order will be issued. General Greene has just arrived and had 
long talk with him. He is thoroughly well informed. If you care to 
have him, will direct him to report to you. William McKinley. 

MR. DAY TO THE PRESIDENT. , 

[TELBGEAM.] 

Paris, September 30, 1898. 
Minister for Foreign Affairs gave joint entertainment yesterday to 
the two Commissions; passed off very agreeably. Meet for business 
to-morrow. Commissioners will be presented to the President of 
France on Tuesday. Can you send word of greeting to him to be deliv- 
ered at our presentation? . Day. 

THE PRESIDENT TO MR. DAY. 

[TELEGKAM.l 

Washington, September 30, 1898. 
Answering your telegram of to-day, I request you to deliver to 
President of the Eepublic, on the occasion of your presentation, the 
following message in my name: 

His Excellency Felix Faure, 
* President of the French Eepublic, Paris: 

On this occasion, when the Commissioners of the United States and 
Spain are about to assemble in the capital of France to negotiate peace, 
and when the representatives of this Government are receiving the 



THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 337 

hospitality and good will of the Republic, I beg to tender to you a most 
friendly personal greeting and the assurances of my grateful apprecia- 
tion of your kind courtesies to the American Commissioners. 

William McKiuley, 
President of the United States. 

MR. DAY TO THE PRESIDENT. 

[TELEGRAM.! 

Paris, October 1, 1898. 
At our first meeting to-day the Spanish Commissioners by instruc- 
tion of their Government presented as preliminai-y to any discussion 
of a treaty a written communication basing on Article VI of the pro- 
tocol a demand that the American commission join them in declaring 
that the status quo in the Philippine Islands existing at the time of the 
signing of the protocol must be immediately restored by the contracting 
party that may have altered it or have consented or failed to prevent 
its alteration to the prejudice of the other. Spanish communication 
represents that status quo has been altered and continues to be altered 
to prejudice of Spain by Tagalo rebels, whom it describes as an auxil- 
iary force to the regular American troops, and demands that commis- 
sioners jointly declare that American authorities in Philippine Islands 
must at once proceed completely to restore status quo in territories they 
occupy and refrain from preventing restoration thereof by Spain in ter- 
ritory not occupied by United States. Spanish commissioners ask for 
an answer on Monday next. We propose to reply that these demands 
having been presented to the Government of the United States, were 
answered by notes of the Department of State to French Embassy of Sep- 
tember 5 and 16, and that any further demands as to military opera- 
tions in the Philippine Islands must be addressed to government at 
Washington, and consequently that we can not join in the proposed 
declarations. We await instructions. Day. 

MR. DAY TO MR. HAY, 

[TELEGRAM.] 

To Secretary of State: 

Our answer submitted to Spanish commissioners declining to join 
in declarations as to restoration status quo in Philippine Islands on 
grounds stated in our telegram October 1st well received by them. 
We then submitted articles of the treaty covering Cuba, Porto Kico and 



838 THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

other islands in West Indies and Guam, as provided in protocol. They 
asked until Friday to consider them. Adjourned to Friday afternoon. 
Hear Merritt to-morrow. Day. 

MR. DAY TO MR. HAT. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

No. 2.] Paris, October 4, 1898—12:51 p. m. 

The opinions of Admiral Dewey, in the possession of the Commis- 
sion, seem to favor retention of Luzon alone, but appear to have been 
given in answer to question as to which island in Philippine Islands 
the United States should retain. If this assumption is correct, will you, 
if it is deemed advisable, ascertain by telegraph through proper chan- 
nel, and telegraph us whether Admiral has formed an opinion, and if so 
what (it) is on the question whether it would be better for United States 
to retain Luzon, and perhaps one or two small adjacent islands, or the 
whole group. Day. 

THE PRESIDENT OF FRANCE TO THE PRESIDENT. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Paris, October 4, 1898. 
I have had great pleasure in receiving the American Plenipoten- 
tiaries of the Spanish-American Peace Commission. During the audi- 
ence Mr. Day read me the telegram which you had the kindness to send 
me. I am much touched at the sentiment which Your Excellency has 
had the goodness to express in respect to me, and I thank you very 
much. I hope that the American Commissioners will have a pleasant 
memory of their stay in Paris, and I will do my best to make it agree- 
able. I sincerely trust that the peaceful work of the commission will 
come to a happy conclusion. Felix Faure. 

It will not be overlooked that there must have been a considerable 
saving of telegraph tolls due to the fact of the brevity of the names of 
Mr. Day and Mr. Hay. 

Mr. Hay, on October 5, 1898, stated that "the President, on the 13th of 
August, requested Dewey's opinion on relative desirableness of the sev- 
eral islands." 

The Spanish Commissioners at Havana construed the protocol in a 
surprising way, and the President's cable was: 



THE TREATY WITH SPAIN, 339 

Wade, Habana: 

Your message of October 5, giving the differences between the Span- 
ish Commissioners and yourselves, is received. Their claims are wholly 
inadmissible, and yours are in strict accordance with the protocol and 
the instructions heretofore given, and must be adhered to. 

William McKinley. 

Executive Mansion, 
Washington, October 7, 1898. 
To Day: 

There are still 3,500 Spanish troops in Porto Kico. No transports 
have been provided to carry them to Spain. Longer delay can not be 
permitted. Can you hasten transports? If troops can not be moved 
away on or before October 18, then, on that day, possession should be 
given to the American Evacuation Commission and notice should be 
so served. Whatever help the American Peace Commission can give in 
this direction should be given. The Cuban Commissioners are evidently 
intent upon delay, and they have been notified that the evacuation must 
be completed by the 1st of December. William McKinley. 

MR. HAY TO MR. DAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Department of State, 
Washington, October 13, 1898. 
The President sees no reason for departing from instructions already 
given, but many reasons for adhering strictly to terms of protocol con- 
cerning Cuba. We must carry out the spirit and letter of the resolution 
of Congress. The Commission will use its own best judgment as to 
pressing to definite conclusions. 

Thursday, 3 afternoon. Hay. 

MR. HAY TO MR. DAY. 

[TELEGRAM] 

Department of State, 
Washington, October 14, 1898. 
The Secretary of the Navy has just received the following telegram 
from Admiral Dewey, which is communicated for your information: 

It is important that the disposition of the Philippine Islands should 
be decided as soon as possible, and a strong government established. 



340 THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

Spanish authority has been completely destroyed in Luzon, and general 
anarchy prevails without the limits of the city and bay of Manila. 
Strongly probable that islands to the south will fall into same state 
soon. Distressing reports have been received of inhuman cruelty prac- 
ticed on religious and civil authorities in other parts of these islands. 
The natives appear unable to govern. Dewey. 

Hay. 

MR. HAY TO MR. DAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Department of State, 
Washington, October 23, 1898. 
Your numbers thirteen and fourteen received. Your position as to 
Cuban debt and your proposed procedure in accordance with engage- 
ments of note of July 30th are fully approved. Hay. 

MR. HAY TO Mr! DAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Department of State, 

Washington, October 24, 1898. 

The following telegram has been received by the President from 

Habana: 

October 23, 1898. 

Believe it not possible under existing circumstances for Spain to 
complete military evacuation before January 1. From unofficial infor- 
mation have reason for believing that agreement with Spanish Com- 
mission may be reached in fixing date. This not to interfere with our 
taking possession at earlier date in event of completion of evacuation 
before that time. This statement made for your information and such 
direction as you may wish to give. Wade, Major General. 

To this the President to-day made the following reply: 
Answering your message of October 23, you can fix January 1, 1899, 
or Spain to complete the military evacuation, but it should be done by 
that time; this date not to interfere with our occupation of such places 
as may be evacuated at an earlier date or which may require to occupy 
for military reasons. You must continue to insist that no fixed artillery 
or military or naval armament shall be removed or disposed of. 

William McKinley. 
Hay. 



THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 341 

There were differences of opinion among the Commissioners of the 
United States concerning the Philippine Islands, the President strongly 
inclined to take Manila and the Island of Luzon. This would have been 
to let Europe in, as was soon understood, and it appeared that if there 
was to be any rebellion it would be in Luzon, and that if other centers of 
commerce were found for European colonies the trade would be di- 
verted from Manila. Cushman K. Davis, William P. Frye and White- 
law Reid said over their joint signatures: 

"There is hardly a single island in the group from which you can not 
shoot across to one or more of the others — scarcely another archipelago 
in the world in which the islands are crowded so closely together and 
so interdependent. Military and naval witnesses agree that it would 
be practically as easy to hold and defend the whole as a part — some say 
easier, all say safer. AgTee,too, that ample and trustworthy military 
force could be raised among natives, needing only United States officers 
and a small nucleus of United States troops; also that islands could be 
relieved from oppressive Spanish taxation, and yet furnish sufficient 
revenue for the whole cost (of) administration and defense. Great dan- 
gers must result from division. Other islands, seeing benefits from our 
government of Luzon, are sure to revolt and to be aided and encouraged 
by natives of Luzon, thus repeating in more aggravated form our trou- 
bles with Spain about Cuba. 

"Visayas already in revolt. Division would thus insure lawlessness 
and turbulence within gunshot of our shores, with no prospect of relief, 
unless in Spanish sale of islands to unfriendly commercial rivals, which 
would probably happen if we hold the most important, Luzon, and re- 
lease the others. Generally expected now that this would be attempted 
the moment we released them." 

Day would not agree that we "should peremptorily demand the 
whole Philippine group," and he added: "The insurgents could not be 
left to mere treaty stipulations or to their unaided resources, either to 
form a government or to battle against a foe which, (although) unequal 
to us, might readily overcome them. On all hands it is agreed that the 
inhabitants of the islands are unfit for self-government. This is par- 
ticularly true of Mindanao and the Sulu group. Only experience can de- 
termine the success of colonial expansion upon which the United States 



842 THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

is entering. It may prove expensive in proportion to the scale upon 
whicli it is tried with ignorant and semi-barbarous people at the other 
side of the world. It should therefore be kept within bounds." 

Gray would "not agree that it was wise to take the Philippine 
Islands in whole or in part." Gray added it was absurd "to say that we 
will not negotiate but will appropriate the whole subject-matter of ne- 
gotiation." Hay cabled Day October 26th that "the information which 
has come to the President since your departure convinces him" that 
"the cession must be of the whole archipelago or none — the latter 
wholly unstable and the former therefore be required." 

Hay said further this conclusion was reached by the President "after 
most thorough consideration of the whole subject," and he was "deeply 
sensible of the grave responsibilities it will impose." 

The crisis in the negotiations came in the night. This declaration 
by the President reached Paris — Day — "Thursday morning, 3." Cable 
was wired, dated Paris, October 27th, sent the President, as follows: 

"Special (No. ±7 A) for the President.] 

"Our telegram No, 15 to Secretary of State Hay informs you of the 
question put by us to Spanish Commissioners on Monday. Last night 
Spanish Ambassador called upon Mr. Reid. Represented that Spanish 
Commissioners must break oif treaty rather than answer it in such wise 
as to abandon their claims on Cuban debt unless they .could get some 
concession elsewhere. Mr. Reid assured ambassador that we could not 
assume this debt. The American people and Commission absolutely 
united upon it without exception and without distinction of party. Am- 
bassador then urged the question to be laid aside until it could be seen 
if some concessions elsewhere might not be found which would save 
Spanish Commission from utter repudiation at home; if not, rupture 
was inevitable. Montero Rios could not return to Madrid now if known 
to have accepted entire Cuban indebtedness. 

"Mr. Reid said Commissioners insisting on settlement of Cuban busi- 
ness now. Ambassador again said that if forced to direct answer on 
the question now must answer no and break off conference. Mr. 
Reid earnestly urged them not to take that course, declaring that it must 
be far worse for Spain. Ambassador then begged him to search for 
some possible concession somewhere, and inquired about Philippine 
Islands. Mr. Reid said at first the American people not very eager for 



THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 343 

them; believed, however, had practically conquered them when con- 
quered capital, sunk fleet and captured arms, and had right to all of 
them. Preponderance of sentiment in favor of the taking all, but re- 
spectable and influential minority, which did not go to that length. 
It was possible, he said, but not probable, that out of these conditions 
the Spanish Commissioners might be able to find something either in 
territory or debt which might seem to their people at home like a con- 
cession. 

"To-day Spanish Commissioners presented document now being 
translated, which we understand accepts articles proposed by us, sub- 
ject to agreement in final treaty, and invite proposals as to the Philip- 
pine Islands from us. After meeting Spanish Secretary said to me that 
they accepted our articles in the hope of liberal treatment in Philip- 
pine Islands; said no government in Spain could sign treaty giving up 
everything and live, and that such surrender without some relief would 
mean national bankruptcy. He made further appeal, to which I made 
no answer except to receive his communication. We shall now be in po- 
sition to take up Philippine Islands matter. We deem it proper that 
you should know exact situation before sending conventional instruc- 
tions on Philippine Islands. We are inclined now to believe that rup- 
ture to-day only averted because Spaniards grasped at hint thrown out 
in the conversation of Mr. Reid last night with Ambassador. Day." 

Reid's conversation saved the negotiation, and the fruit of the con- 
tinuance of the negotiation — instead of the war — was the payment of 
$20,000,000 for the Philippines, and the repudiation of the Cuban debt 
incurred by the Spaniards. Whether the "suggestion" that had so great 
a result was Mr. Reid's own proposal is not stated. He seems to have 
taken the responsibility. The reply of the President through Mr. Hay 
was delayed a day. Thus explained: 

"Washington, October 28, 1898. 
"Hay to Day: 

"President in Philadelphia. Have sent him this day's dispatches. 

He returns to-morrow morning. Instructions will be sent to-morrow." 

This was dated Thursday, 1:30 afternoon. On that date Hay cabled 
Day: 

"We can not permit Spain to transfer any of the islands to another 



g44 TEE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

power. Nor can we invite another power or powers to join the United 
Slates in sovereignty over them. We must either hold them or turn 
them back to Spain. 

"Consequent!}', grave as are the responsibilities and unforeseen as 
are the difficulties which are before us, the President can see but one 
plain path of duty — the acceptance of the archipelago. Greater diffi- 
culties and more serious complications — administrative and interna- 
tional — would follow any other course. The President has given to the 
views of the Commissioners the fullest consideration, and in reaching 
the conclusion above announced in the light of information communi- 
cated to the commission and to the President since your departure, he 
has been influenced by the single consideration of duty and humanity. 
The President is not unmindful of the distressed financial condition of 
Spain, and whatever consideration the United States may show must 
come from its sense of generosity and benevolence, rather than from 
any real or technical obligation." 

MR. DAY TO MR. HAY. 

"Paris, October 29, 1898. 
"Telegraphic instructions as to Philippine Islands received. We will, 
unless otherwise instructed, present on Monday an article to provide for 
cession of the whole group, together with statement that we are pre- 
pared to insert in the treaty a stipulation for the assumption by the 
United States of any existing indebtedness of Spain incurred for neces- 
sary works and improvements of a pacific character in the Philippine 
Islands. Day." 

Senator Frye cabled Mr. Adee of the State Department "for the Pres- 
ident" that "it seems to me that the most undesirable happening would 
be our return without a treaty of peace. Yet that is probable in my 
opinion. 

"If the Spanish Commissioners should accede to our demands as at 
present outlined they could not return home, while our country, it may 
be, would not justify us in tendering any more liberal terms. Spain 
made a determined fight to secure concessions as to the Cuban debt, 
while we were persistent in our refusal to yield anything. Our articles 
were accepted, but provisionally, for if no final agreement is reached 




THE McKINLEY FAMILY PLAT IN WESTLAWN CEMETERY, 
CANTON, WHERE PRESIDENT McKINLEY WILL REST. 




VAULT IN CEMETERY— CANTON, OHIO. 

Where President McKlnley's Dody Was Bnrne After the Funeral. 




(From Harper's Weekly— Copyright, 1901, by Harper & Brothers.) 

ENTERING THE HALI OF MARTYRS. 



THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 347 

they, too, failed. It seemed to me that we might have agreed to use 
our good offices with any government hereafter established in Cuba to 
secure the assumption by it of any indebtedness incurred in internal 
improvements there, and ourselves assume any like indebtedness in the 
territories finally ceded to us. The amount could not be large. Might 
we not go further and agree to pay to Spain from ten to twenty million 
dollars if thus a treaty could be secured? If no treaty, then war, a con- 
tinued disturbance of business, an expenditure of a million dollars a day 
and further loss of life. Would not our people prefer to pay Spain one- 
half of war expenditures rather than indulge in its costly luxui-y? 
Europe sympathizes with Spain in this regard exactly. 

"The correspondent of the London Times, in his yesterday's letter, 
criticised severely our attitude. The precedents for the last century 
are antagonistic to our position. Of course we will not pay debts in- 
curred in the suppression of colonial rebellions. I do not forget that we 
demand no money indemnity for cost of war to us. It may be because 
our enemy is bankrupt. I am sorry the Carolines were not taken by us, 
as they are infinitely more valuable than the Ladrones. If war is re- 
sumed I hope orders will be given Dewey to seize at once all of the Phil- 
ippine Islands, also the Carolines. 

"You may be sure I should not make these suggestions if I did not 
regard a treaty of peace of vital importance to our country and the 
danger of failure to secure it gravely imminent. 

"Sunday, midnight. Frye." 

MR. HAY TO MR. FRYE. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

"Department of State, 
"Washington, November 1, 1898. 
"Your message marked special received yesterday. The President 
directs me to say that no one would more deeply regret than himself 
a failure to make a treaty of peace, and is surprised to hear from you 
that that result is not improbable. He hopes and believes that your 
negotiations can be so conducted as to prevent so undesirable a happen- 
ing. He desires the commissioners to be generous in all matters which 
do not require a disregard of principle or duty, and whatever the com- 
missioners may deem wise and best in the matter of the debts for inter- 
nal improvements and public works of a pacific character in the .PhiJU 

20 



848 TBE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

ippines will receive his favorable consideration. Nor does he desire the 
commission to disregard well-established precedents or make any condi- 
tions which will not be worthy of ourselves and merit the approval of 
the best judgment of mankind. If it should be the opinion of the com- 
missioners that there should be paid a reasonable sum of money to 
cover peace improvements, which are fairly chargeable to us under 
established precedents, he will give cheerful concurrence. The money 
payment, if any is determined upon, should rest solely upon the consid- 
erations suggested in your message of Sunday night. He desires that 
you may read this to the commission with your message to him. 

Hay." 

MR. HAY TO MR. DAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Department of State. 
(Undated; about November 1, 1898.) 
Surely Spain can not expect us to turn the Philippines back and 
bear the cost of the war and all claims of our citizens for damages to 
life and property in Cuba without any indemnity but Porto Eico. Does 
she propose to pay in money the cost of the war and the claims of our 
citizens and make full guarantees to the people of the islands and grant 
to us concessions of naval and telegraph stations in the archipelago 
and privilege to our commerce, the same as enjoyed by Spain, rather 
than surrender the archipelago? Hay. 

MR. DAY TO MR. ADEB. 

ITELEGRAM.] 

United States Peace Commission, 

Paris, November 3, 1898—10 a. m. 
(For the President. — Special.) 

After a careful examination of the authorities, the majority of the 
commission are clearly of opinion that our demand for the Philippine 
Islands can not be based on conquest. When the protocol was signed 
Manila was not captured, siege was in progress and capture made after 
the execution of the protocol. Captures made after agreement for arm- 
istice must be disregarded and status quo restored as far as practicable. 
We can require cession of Philippine Islands only as indemnity for 
losses and expenses of the war. Have in view, also, condition of islands. 



TEE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 349 

the broken power of Spain, anarchy in which our withdrawal would 
leave the islands, etc. These are legitimate factors. Have written 
fully. 

Thursday, 11:30 morning. Day. 

MR. HAY TO MR. DAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Department of State, 
Washington, November 3, 1898. 

The President has received your dispatch of this date and awaits 
your letter. Meantime, however, the question may be ultimately de- 
termined. He assumes you have not yielded the claim by right of con- 
quest. In fact, the destruction of the Spanish fleet on May 1 was the 
conquest of Manila, the capital of the Philippines. The President has 
confidence that the commission will be able to make a treaty on just and 
honorable grounds; a failure to do so would be greatly to be regretted. 

Hay. 

Davis cabled that the situation demanded an ultimatum. Frye fa- 
vored taking entire group and paying |10,000,000. Day thought Spain 
might be allowed to keep Mindanao and Sulu group. There was a great 
deal of cabling, and it came to this from Hay to Day November 13th: 

"You are instructed to insist upon the cession of the whole of Phil- 
ippines, and, if necessary, pay to Spain ten to twenty millions of dollars, 
and if you can get cession of a naval and telegraph station in the Caro- 
lines and the several concessions and privileges and guaranties, so far 
as applicable, enumerated in the views of Commissioners Frye and Reid, 
you can offer more. The President can not believe any division of the 
archipelago can bring us anything but embarrassment in the future. 
The trade and commercial side, as well as the indemnity for the cost of 
the war, are questions we might yield. They might be waived or com- 
promised, but the questions of duty and humanity appeal to the Presi- 
dent so strongly that he can find no appropriate answer but the one he 
has here marked out. You have the largest liberty to lead up to these 
instructions, but unreasonable delay should be avoided. Hay." 

Again Hay to Day: 

"Washington, November 29, 1898. 
"The President wishes to know the opinion of the commission as to 
inserting in treaty provisions on the subject of citizenship of inhabit- 



350 THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

ants of Philippines which will prevent extension of that right to Mon- 
golians and others not actually subjects of Spain; also whether you con- 
sider it advisable to provide, if possible, for recognition of existence of 
uncivilized native tribes in same manner as in Alaska treaty, perhaps 
leaving to Congress to deal with status of inhabitants by legislative act, 

"Hay." 

The definite and final acceptance of conditions by Spaniards was 
November 29th, December 8th the agreement on articles of treaty was 
made. 

MR. HAY TO MR. DAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

"Department of State, 
"Washington, December 8, 1898. , 
"Your No. 37 received. The President sends to all of you his most 
cordial thanks and congratulations. Permit me to add my own. - \^ 

"John Hay." 

MR. DAY TO MR. HAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

"Paris, December 10, 1898. 
"Treaty signed at 8:50 this evening. Day." 

This inside view of a most important matter presents the President 
to the public as a most masterful Chief Magistrate, dominating and di- 
recting the negotiation with perfect calmness — no sign of friction or 
worry — through the cable-taking command, and above all persisting 
in consideration of the humanities, or, as Secretary of State Hay states 
the case, when the President's will was made clearly known and had to 
be accepted or rejected. Hay said there were things we might yield, 
"■but the questions of duty and humanity appeal to the President so 
strongly that he can find, no a'ppropriate answer but the one he has 
here marked outy The President's way was the only one. 

Perhaps the placid power of the President in overcoming objections 
to policies that he was persuaded to pursue has its most convincing 
illustration in the persistence with which the way the President wanted 



THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 351 

soon proved to be according to the judgment of the commissioners. The 
last stand of the Spaniards was reported to Assistant Secretary Moore. 

MR. MOORE TO MR. HAY. 

rTELEGKAM.] 

No. 25.] * Paris, November IS, 1898. 

Spanish commissioners yesterday presented long paper in whicli 
they reply to our last memorandum. Discuss provisions of protocol re- 
lating to Philippine Islands, and support by argument their recent 
proposals thereon. They declare that our memorandum abounds in 
grave errors of fact and strange doctrines of law, and deny that they 
have withdrawn their provisional acceptance of our articles on Cuba, 
Porto Rico and Guam; that acceptance, however, was conditional upon 
agreement on whole treaty and was given for compensation which 
might be obtained in other articles for sacrifice of Spain as to debts, 
but only subsequent development in negotiations is the demand for 
cession of the Philippine Islands. Spanish commissioners would there- 
fore have been justified in insisting on claims as to transmission of 
colonial obligations and debts, but have confined themselves to con- 
tradicting affirmations to which they could not assent. They quote 
royal decrees and the text of bonds to disprove that greatest part of 
the Cuban debt was contracted in the effort first to conquer Cuban 
insurgents and then to oppose the United States, as well as to show 
that colonial revenues were primai-y security for debt. 

They maintain legal right of Spain so to contract the debt and the 
legal validity of the debt so contracted, and cite our demands that 
Spain suppress rebellion and maintain order in Cuba as a proof of our 
recognition of her sovereignty in the premises and the legitimacy of 
its exercise for that purpose; but in concluding this part of the paper 
they say the duty of defending the bondholders does not belong to 
Spain; that it is suflQcient for her to defend the legitimacy of her ac- 
tion, her perfect right to create the debt and the mortgage by which it 
was secured, and her strict right not to pay interest or principal except 
upon proof of insufficiency of mortgaged revenues. The responsibility 
of failing to apply revenues will rest on those who control them, and not 
upon Spain, who has not the means to compel the performance of the 
duty. Spain neither will nor can do anything to impair the rights of 



852 TEE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

bondholders, who can without great effort demonstrate [the] justice of 
their cause. 

Spanish commissioners then discuss Article III of the protocol and 
contend that it should be read in light of prior negotiations. They quote 
telegram of August 1 to Cambon, saying that our demand seemed to lack 
precision; that Spanish government supposed there was no question 
in regard to Spain's permanent sovereignty over archipelago and that 
occupation of Manila, its harbors and bay, by the United States would 
last only during the time necessary for two countries to agree on admin- 
istrative reforms. They then refer to Cambon's interview with the 
President of August 3d and to dispatch of Spanish Minister for Foreign 
Affairs of August 7th, and say that never till now has the United States 
consented to give concrete form to the idea involved in the phrase "con- 
trol, disposition and government" of the Philippine Islands. If the 
United States meant that joint commission should determine the sov- 
ereignty of the group by agreeing or disagreeing to its cession to the 
United States, why did it not say so? 

American commissioners say that word "control" must be construed 
in the sense of authority or command, because that is its broadest mean- 
ing in English, but fail to notice that the protocol was also written 
and signed in French, and that the French word "controle" means only 
investigation or inspection. The word "disposition," while it conveys 
the idea of alienation in private law, usually means in French distribu- 
tion according to a certain and determined order. The word "govern- 
ment" may mean the right of administering or exercising sovereignty, 
but may also signify manner of governing or form which may be given 
to government. The words therefore do not possess a clear and precise 
meaning, incapable of doubt or ambiguity, and yet it was the United 
States, not Spain, that insisted upon retaining them and refused to ex- 
plain them. Vattel, Volume III, page 197, declares that doubts must be 
resolved against him who gives the law in the treaty, since it is his fault 
not to have expressed himself with more clearness. The party who 
dictates conditions should not be allowed to convert vague or ambigu- 
ous terms into bonds to tie up the more feeble contracting party. 

In the American note of July 30th it was said that if the ternis of- 
fered by the United States were accepted in their entirety commission- 
ers would be appointed to settle the details of treaty of peace, etc. 
Could unexpressed demand for cession of immense territory, with a pop- 



TEE TREATY WITH SPAIN. S53 

ulation of 9,000,000 inhabitants, have been considered as a detail of the 
treaty? Spanish commissioners here review at some length interviews 
of Cambon with the President and compare versions thereof, and con- 
tend that by the note of Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs of August 
7th government reserved api'ionits sovereignty over Philippine Islands 
and that Article III of the protocol can in law bind it only with this 
reservation, which was never withdrawn. They say that the only ob- 
jection made in our note of August 10th to Spanish note of August 7th 
was that the latter was not entirely explicit, owing to various transfor- 
mations which it had undergone. This, they maintain, could not have 
referred to paragraph on Philippine Islands, since it explicitly reserved 
a priori Spanish sovereignty over the islands. The Paris conference 
is therefore authorized to determine only their internal regime. 

Spanish commissioners then proceed to support their last proposals 
as to what should be done regarding Philippine Islands in the treaty 
of peace. They disclaim intention to assert that General Merritt and 
Admiral Dewey had knowledge of protocol when they took Manila on 
August 13th, but refer to the Admiral's message to the governor of 
Manila of May 1st, threatening to destroy city if all vessels, torpedo 
boats and warships under the Spanish flag were not immediately sur- 
rendered, and say they presume this message will have no place in the 
chapter of history in which are recorded the services rendered to the 
cause of humanity of which there is so much ostentation in these days. 
They also refer to circumstances in connection with delay in taking 
Manila; that the number of insurgents about the city increased because 
of postponement of it, and complains of statement in American memo- 
randum that the captain-general fled before the suiTender. They main- 
tain that our occupation of Manila pending the conclusion of the treaty 
of peace was intended and agreed upon merely by way of a guaranty, 
and that protocol makes no connection between future occupation of the 
place and the payment of a war indemnity. 

They observe that the American commissioners do not in their 
memorandum argue that suspension of hostilities did not go into effect 
immediately, but that they endeavor to invalidate the Spanish claim 
as dilatory. They state that this claim was made twenty-three days 
after capitulation and inquire what law or practice forfeits such a claim 
unless presented before the twenty-three days reckoned from the act giv- 
ing rise to it Even if the claim had not been then presented, the SDi«mr 



354 THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

ish commissioners might present it now, since they are empowered to 
ask for a faithful execution of the protocol. They quote from Wharton's 
International Law Digest that compacts between enemies should be 
specially adhered to as of immediate interest and duty, not only to the 
parties, but to all mankind. They combat the argument that occupa- 
tion of Manila under the protocol is same as or equivalent to a military 
occupation by conquest. 

They contend that (occupation?) by force of a territory which sur- 
renders through an act of war has a special name, which is "capitula- 
tion;" and that to call by this name the occupation under the protocol 
in order to bring it within the terms of the illegal capitulation of Ma- 
nila after the protocol was signed is an error never heretofore officially 
or scientifically made. They contend that occupation as a guaranty con- 
veys no greater right than to maintain a military force in that territory 
till the performance of the principal obligation, and that the occupying 
party has therefore usually taken care even to stipulate for the taking 
of provisions for his forces. The occupation under the protocol can not 
be considered as a military one, since it was not effected by force nor as 
the result of a belligerent operation. Moreover, it was after August 
16th, when the American commanders heard of the protocol, that they 
began to take possession by military force of the machinery of govern- 
ment, of the public moneys, revenues and imposts. 

Spanish commissioners say they might here bring the paper to a 
close did they not desire to find some way in harmony with senti- 
ments of humanity and patriotism of both commissioners to remove 
obstacles to peace; this can be done only through the bona fides of both 
parties; the commissioners are equally divided. The United States 
does not go further than to claim that under the protocol it has right 
to ask for the sovereignty over Philippine Islands. It does not claim 
the right to order the cession to be made. Shall the negotiations then 
be broken off and hostilities renewed? Can not the good faith of the 
parties suggest some means of averting these terrible consequences? 
The commissioners might agree to leave the question of sovereignty 
over Philippine Islands for direct negotiations between the two govern- 
ments, and continue meanwhile the discussions of all other points to be 
embodied in the treaty. This method is, however, attended with the 
danger of the governments failing to agree. The Spanish commission- 
ers think it more sensible and more sure for the two commissions to 



THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 355 

agree to propose to their governments an arbitrator or a tribunal of ar- 
bitration to determine tlie true sense in which Articles III and VI of the 
protocol should be taken. 

If there is any controversy between nations which men of good will 
should endeavor to settle by justice and equity it is that of a differ- 
ence as to the interpretation of a treaty. Sovereigns may refuse to sub- 
mit to judgment of a third party that which affects their honor or even 
their amour jyrojyre, but in the modern and Christian world it is incon- 
ceivable they should prefer covering earth with corpses and deluging it 
with human blood to submitting their own opinions on a matter so ex- 
posed to fallibility as the sense Avhich a party to a treaty may desire to 
give it. The United States, say the Spanish commissioners, have to their 
glory taken among civilized peoples the initiative in appealing to the 
humane, rational and Christian method of arbitration, ratherthan inflict 
bloody war. The Senate of Massachusetts in 1835 approved the proposal 
for creation of an international court to settle all differences between 
countries. In 1851 Committee on Foreign Relations recommended inser- 
tion of arbitration clause in treaties, and the Senate approved a report 
in 1853. 

In 1873 the Senate again, and in 1874 both Houses of Congress, reaf- 
firmed this humanitarian aspiration; and finally, in 1888, not satisfied 
with having marked out a line of conduct so laudable, both Houses of 
Congress adopted joint resolutions requesting the President to use his 
influence to induce governments maintaining diplomatic relations with 
the United States to submit questions that might arise between them 
in future to arbitration. The Spanish commissioners declare the hope 
that the case before the Paris conference will not lead the United 
States, by departing from such glorious precedents, to wish to settle 
the difficulty by the last means which among national and free beings 
is sadly inevitable, although it may never be lawful, in the absence of 
other means more humane and tending to preserve unalterable peace 
among men. 

Our commissioners propose to re])ly to this and reaffirm their pre- 
vious position, and to make, unless otherwise instructed, the proposal 
conveyed to you in my special of November 15th, and give the Spanish 
commissioners a. week in which definitely and finally to accept it. 

Moore. 



356 TEE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

November 13th Secretary of State Hay cabled Mr. Day: "A treaty of 
peace is of the highest importance to the United States if it can be had 
without the sacrifice of plain duty. The President would regret deeply 
the resumption of hostilities against a prostrate foe. We are clearly 
entitled to indemnity for the cost of the war." The statement of the 
President's views continued that we must find indemnity "in the archi- 
pelagoes of the Philippines and Carolines. Porto Eico was not enough. 

There was strong opposition to the President's policy by the Ameri- 
can commissioners, as displayed in the extremely candid cable commu- 
nication following: 

MR. DAY TO MR. ADEB. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Paris, November 4, 1898—2:20. 
(For the President — Special.) 

Telegram of November 3d from the Secretary of State received. We 
have not yielded the claim by a right of conquest. Telegram to you 
on that subject was on the afternoon of discussion with Spanish com- 
missioners. We shall not foreclose important matters without advis- 
ing you. We are doing all in our power to secure treaty in accord- 
ance with your views. In the opinion of a majority of the Commission 
we shall not promote this end by putting forward the claim that Manila 
was taken by conquest on May 1st. Subsequent military operations and 
capitulation, no less than mutual acceptance of protocol, preclude mak- 
ing demand upon that ground. Our opinion as to ineffectiveness of 
capitulation after protocol has already been stated. Day. 

I think we can demand cession of entire archipelago on other and 
more valid grounds than a perfected territorial conquest of the Phil- 
ippine Islands, such as indemnity or as conditions of peace imposed 
by our general military success and in view of our future security and 
general welfare, commercial and otherwise. I think the protocol admits 
all these grounds, and that the ground alone of perfected territorial 
conquest of the Philippine Islands is too narrow and untenable under 
protocol. 

Friday, 3:30 afternoon. Cuahman K. Davis. 



THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 357 

MR. HAT TO MR. DAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

Department of State, 
Washington, November 5, 1898. 
Yours of November 4th, special, and that of Senator Davis received. 
The President has no purpose to question the Commi.ssion's judgment 
as to the grounds upon which the cession of the archipelago is to be 
claimed. His only wish in that respect is to hold all the ground upon 
which w-e can fairly and justly make the claim. He recognizes fully 
the soundness of putting forward indemnity as the chief ground, but 
conquest is a consideration which ought not to be ignored. How our 
demand shall be presented, and the grounds upon which you will rest 
it, he confidently leaves with the commissioners. His great concern is 
that a treaty shall be effected in terms which will not only satisfy the 
present generation, but, what is more important, be justified in the judg- 
ment of posterity. The argument which shall result in such a consum- 
mation he confides to the Commission. He appreciates the difficulties 
and embarrassments, and realizes the delicate work before you, but that 
the commissioners will be able to conclude a treaty of peace satisfactory 
to the country, justified by humanity and by precedent, is the belief 
of the President and your countrymen generally. Hay. 

MR. DAY TO MR. HAY. 

[TELEGRAM. ] 

No. 20.] Paris, November 5, 1898. 

Spanish commissioners?, in paper presented yesterday, maintain that 
demand for whole Philippine Islands violates protocol, which by its 
terms contemplated only provisional occupation Manila and did not 
impair Spanish sovereignty over group. They cite circular French Min- 
ister for Foreign Affairs of August last announcing to French Ambas- 
sadors in Europe the signature of protocol and saying our demand 
for Philippine Islands was for provisional occupation of Manila by the 
American forces; also clause of capitulation Manila providing for re- 
turn of arms to Spanish forces on evacuation of city. They also invoke 
our argument that Spain is now precluded from bringing forward Cu- 
ban debt because she failed to mention it during negotiation of proto- 
col. They quote interviews between the President and Carabon to show 
that former did not intend to demand cession group, but agreed that 



358 THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

Philippine Islands question should be subject of negotiation at Paris 
and particularly his declaration that clause in protocol did not decide 
anything against either government; also refer to answer in Spanish 
note of August 7th to demand as to Philippine Islands as showing their 
government's understanding thereof, and argue that United States by 
omitting to deny admitted correctness of that understanding. They fur- 
ther maintain that nothing has occurred since signing of protocol to 
justify United States in enlarging demands. 

As to our proposal to assume debts for pacific improvements, they 
say archipelago burdened with debt 400,000,000 pesetas, or |40,000,000, 
secured by mortgages on revenues Manila custom-house, vesting in 
third parties of various nationalities rights which do not belong to 
Spain. They declare and say that they hope there will be no necessity 
to repeat that Spain can not and ought not, since respect for others 
forbids it, to agree in any treaty to anything implying impairment or 
suppression or even disregard of private rights of others against the 
will of their legitimate and special proprietors. They say there are 
besides unsecured colonial debts. These likewise forbid acceptance of 
American proposal which involves revision of legitimate acts of internal 
sovereignty, the debt having been lawfully contracted. Any inquiry 
whether proceeds were judiciously invested is inadmissible on grounds 
of national self-respect or as affecting obligation of debt. 

Spanish paper then discusses armistice; maintains ineffectiveness 
capitulation of Manila, and holds acts of military administration unlaw- 
ful, such as taking public funds, collecting revenues, and controlling 
courts and police; and specifically complains of alleged release on Sep- 
tember 21 of thirteen prisoners in jail for common crimes, which it 
describes as an unheard of act. On points of law they cite article 140 
of our instructions to armies in field, Halleck's International Law, and 
Field's Code, and say that, according to authorities and the protocol, 
treaty of peace should provide for immediate delivery of Manila to 
Spain, immediate release of garrison, return to Spanish Government 
of all funds and public property taken by American army since its 
occupation of place, and all taxes collected, and indemnification of 
Spain for damages occasioned by detentions Spanish troops resulting 
in spread of Tagalo insurrection and involving ill-treatment of Spanish 
prisoners. 

In conclusion, Spanish commissioners invite American commission- 



THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 359 

ers to present a proposition in accordance witli articles 3 and G of 
tlie protocol, and covering obligations of United States growing out of 
acts of war committed after signing of protocol, in seizing Manila and 
doing of things in excess of rights under article 3. We have word of 
French minister for foreign affairs that statement in his circular was 
oversight and will immediately be corrected. We are preparing reply 
to Spanish paper to be presented at next joint meeting on Tuesday 
afternoon. 

Satui'day, 6 afternoon. Day. 

MR. DAY TO MR. HAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

No. 21.] Paris, November 9, 1898. 

In order to finish copying answer to Spanish paper on the Philippine 
Islands, we asked postponementof meeting yesterday from 2 to 4 o'clock 
p. m. Spanish commissioners replied that they had engagement later 
in the afternoon, and suggested postponement till 2 to-day. We met 
accordingly this afternoon and presented answer. We repel Spanish 
assumption that we base our demands as to Philippine Islands on con- 
cessions in the protocol, as in the case of Cuba and Porto Rico, but 
we maintain that by third article we reserved and secured full and 
absolute right to make demands in future, and that our present 
demands are justified by and are included in the terms of the protocol. 
We also deny that provisions of the protocol can be qualified or limited 
by anything in Spanish notes prior to its signature. We show by 
review of the negotiations and of interviews at Executive Mansion that 
protocol was made only because Spanish response of August 7 was 
unacceptable. 

We quote to same effect from French Yellow Book telegram of Mr. 
Cambon transmitting draft of protocol and saying United States had 
decided to state precisely (preciser) therein the terms on which negoti- 
ations for peace would be undertaken. We quote in full note of Secre- 
tary of State to Cambon, of August 10, and show that our interpretation 
is justifietl by written correspondence, conversations at Executive Man- 
sion, and terms of protocol. We go over this ground at length. We 
express surprise at apparent renewal of Cuban debt question so soon 
after it was waived. We quote' their language as to not wishing to 
have to refer to this again, and as to not permitting any discussion of 



360 THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

certain phases of the question, characterizing this as language unusual 
in diplomacy unless to convey a deliberate ultimatum. We then 
inquire again as to final intentions of Spanish commissioners upon 
this subject. We call attention to admitted fact that considerable part 
of proceeds Cuban loans was expended in prosecuting war against 
United States, and inquire if they mean to be understood as refusing to 
permit any consideration of this expenditure. 

We then take up question of capitulation of Manila, and maintain 
that our powers as occupant under the protocol are the same in all 
respects as to government and administration as under capitulation. 
In closing, we refer to another aspect of capture of Manila; noting 
that Spanish commissioners complain of it as occurring a few hours 
after signature of protocol, we ask if just and impartial mind might 
not consider why not captured before — namely, through humane desire 
to save city and Spanish residents from dreaded vengeance of insur- 
gents, and suggest that men to whom that humane delay was due, 
General Merritt and Admiral Dewey, were entitled to better treatment 
than their insinuation of needless slaughter and conscious violation of 
protocol. 

Our answer covered fifty typewritten pages. Spanish commission- 
ers asked till Saturday to study it, and reserved right to ask, if neces- 
sary, for more time. At this, the next meeting, we may need to outline 
definite and final propositions on whole question of Philippine Islands, 
including possible cash payments. 

Wednesday evening, 9:30. Day. 

MR. DAY TO MR. HAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

No. 22.] Paris, November 10, 1898. 

We have information Philippines debt as follows: Prior to insur- 
rection, August, 1896, colony paid its way by local taxes and moderate 
tariff. After war began captain-general instructed to draw from pros- 
perous local banks, such as deposit bank, local savings bank, and Banco 
Hispano-Filipino. He also obtained advances from friars. Expenses 
increasing, colonial minister empowered to draw on funds raised for 
expenses Cuban war, which he did to the extent of 7,660,403"/ioo pesos, 
or dollars. Expenses still increasing Government was authorized by 
law of Cortes, tenth June, 1897, published Madrid Gazette 29th June, 



THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. S61 

to grant general guarantee of nation for operations of credit which 
would be necessary for Philippine Islands in consequence of disturb- 
ances there. Then royal decree 28th June, 1897, authorized colonial 
minister to issue four hundred thousand hypothecated bonds of Philip- 
pine Islands treasury, at six per cent, redeemable at par in forty years, 
with special guarantee of Philippine Islands revenues and general 
guarantee of Spanish nation. 

The issue consists of one series of two hundred fifty thousand 
bonds of five hundred pesetas each, and another of one hundred and 
fifty thousand bonds of one hundred pesos each; first series reserved 
for issue in Spain, two hundred thousand immediately placed, and fifty 
thousand kept back by minister for the colonies and placed later on, also 
in Spain; second series intended for Manila, part to reimburse advances 
and rest to be placed there. This loan produced 38,570,494-Vioo pesos 
net. Madrid Gazette, 20th October, 1898, shows that of this sum 
19,891,800"Vioo were used for war in Philippine Islands; 7,660,403'Vaoo 
reimbursed to Cuban treasury, and 10,938,477Vioo advanced to same, 
leaving balance 13th June, 1898, to credit of Philippine Islands treas- 
ury of 79,813°Vioo pesos. Nothing in Gazette or other official document 
shows any part of this loan applied to purely local purposes or objects 
of utility. It is said that not 5 per cent of Philippine Islands bonds 
have been placed outside of Spain and colonies, and of fifteen million 
intended for Manila between ten and eleven million actually placed 
there and rest returned to Spain and placed easily, chiefly in Barcelona. 

You may expect very shortly a telegram embodying views of Ameri- 
can commissioners on Philippine Islands question. Day. 

PEACE COMMISSIONERS TO MR. HAY. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

No. 23— Special.] Paris, November 11, 1898. 

Our commissioners desire definite instructions as to Philippine 
Islands as soon as practicable. The following statements embody indi- 
vidual expression of their views upon the subject. 

Moore. 

(1) Holding the view that the Philippine Islands group is likely to 
prove a burden rather than a benefit to the United States, I would mini- 
mize our holdings there to the lowest point consistent with our obliga- 
tions. This view I undertook to express in my telegram of October 25. 



362 THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

Our advantage is a naval and commercial base in the East. More 
than this we should not seek. Our obligations seem to require us to 
take Luzon and islands so near as to be essential thereto. Assuming 
that the President and Cabinet have determined to take whole group, 
then I believe we will be justified in paying lump sum, say fifteen mil- 
lions, recognizing that we are dealing with a bankrupt people; that 
Spain loses her colonies, the revenues of which are charged with out- 
standing debts, and parts with a considerable portion of her revenue- 
producing domain. I would assume no part of the so-called Cuban 
and Philippine Islands bonded debt. 

Bather than fail to secure treaty of peace I think demand for whole 
group might be so modified as to let Spain keep Mindanao and Sulu 
group without conditions, paying same sum as above indicated. These 
islands with money payment would be a substantial concession. In 
that alternative we might secure one of the Caroline group as naval 
station and at the same time safeguard our interests and people there. 

Day. 

(2) Favor taking the entire group and paying ten million dollars 
in gold, a fair estimate of debt properly chargeable to the Philippine 
Islands. If necessary to secure treaty, and I believe it is, I would take 
Luzon, Mindoro, Palawan, also Ponape of the Carolines, paying from 
five to ten millions of dollars. I would require : First, free interchange 
of products of the islands for consumption there, also that products of 
other islands in group intended for export from Manila be admitted 
free with distribution of goods imported into Manila to other islands 
without additional duties. Second, the right of entry into such ports 
of the Philippine Islands as are not ceded, upon terms of equal favor 
with Spanish ships and merchandise in relation to port and customs 
charges, while Spain shall have similar rights as to her subjects and 
vessels in the ports of any territories in their Pacific Islands ceded to 
the United States. Third, charges against American vessels for entry 
into peninsular ports of Spain no higher than imposed on Spanish vessels 
in American ports. Fourth, in all ports of these islands remaining 
under Spanish rule our citizens shall have all questions at issue tried 
before an American consul or other duly qualified American officer. 
Fifth, all persons held by Spain for political acts performed in Cuba, 
Porto Kico, Ponape, Guam, or the Philippine Islands to be immedi- 










O a-^ 

O ^-D 



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C/3 



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•5T. 



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WILCOX MANSION— BUFFALO. 

Where Vice President Roosevelt took oath of office as President of the United States. 




LIBRARY OF THE WILCOX MANSION— BUFFALO. 

■WHERE THEODORE ROOSEVELT WAS SWORN IN AS TWENTY-SIXTH PKESIUENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 
KEY TO PICTURE.— 1— Where President Roosevelt stood. 2— Secretary Long. 3— Secretary Wilson. 4 — Secretary Hitch 
6— Ansley Wilcox. 6— Private Secretary Loeb. 7— Secretary Root. S— Postmaster-General Smith. 9— Senator Depew. 10— Dr. f 
11— Dr Stockton. 13— Judge John R. Hazel. 13— Group of Newspaoer Men. 14— Mrs. Ansley Wilcox. 15— Miss Wilcox. 16— Mrs. 
G. Milburn. 17— Mrs. Carlton Sprague. 18— Mrs. Mann. 19— Mrs. Charles Carey. 20— Dr. Charles L. Carey. 21— Carlton Spn 
22— M. P. Sawyer. 23— John Scatcherd. 24— Robert Scatcherd. 25— George L. Williams. 26— George R. Keating. 27— William Jen 



THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 365 

ately released. Sixth, absolute freedom of religion in the Philippine 
Islands, Ladrones, and Caroline Islands. Seventh, United States shall 
have the right to land cables on any of these islands and the tolls for 
messages on our trans-Pacific cables or iuterisland lines shall be regu- 
lated by the Government of the United States. Eighth, United States 
shall have the right to extend its submarine cables from Porto Rico, 
via the Canaries, to the coast of Africa or Spain and thence to any 
Spanish Mediterranean island. Apply so many of these ai'ticles as may 
be necessary if the entire Philippine Islands group is taken. 

Frye. 

(3) The undersigned begs to say that, while adhering to the views 
expressed in his telegram of the 26th October, he is of the opinion that 
it is immensely important to the country that we should not separate 
without the conclusion of a treaty of peace. A renewal of the state of 
active war, even if Spain's resistance be continued feeble or none at 
all, would compel us to seize with the sti'ong hand all of her colonial 
possessions. This is not a role that is desirable for the United States 
to assume. We have achieved all and more than we went to war to 
accomplish, and Spain has conceded it in a protocol. The same pro- 
tocol left the fate of the Philippine Islands to be determined by a 
treaty to be thereafter concluded between the two countries. The 
stipulation was not that it should be determined as the United States 
should dictate, but by a treaty between the parties. This necessarily 
leaves it open to a negotiation which must result in an agreement 
which implies a quasi freedom of consent by Spain as well as by the 
United States. If that consent can not be obtained we are relegated 
to the state of active war which the armistice suspended, and the 
sword will again be drawn and the conquest completed. Though 
Spain makes no physical resistance, she will state her case to the 
world as having consented to do all that she promised to do in the 
protocol, but that she could not subscribe to terms which she had no 
right to expect. 

» It would, in the opinion of the undersigned, be most unfortunate 
if the United States should feel compelled to abandon the high position 
taken at the beginning of the war and, instead of crowning their tri- 
umphs by setting an example of .moderation, restraint, and reason in 
victory, act the part of a ruthless conqueror. Believing that the result 

21 



see *rnE treaty with spain. 

of a failure to obtain a treaty would be the forcible seizure of the 
whole Philippine Islands group, an event greatly to be deprecated as 
inconsistent with the traditions and civilization of the United States, I 
would be willing to take the islands by the cession of a treaty of peace, 
and I would, to that end, make such reasonable concessions as would 
comport with the magnanimity of a great nation dealing with a weak 
and prostrate foe. I mean that I would prefer the latter alternative 
to the former, not that I have changed my mind as to the policy of taking 
the Philippine Islands at all. George Gray. 

(4) Our duty not to return to Spain any territory in which we have 
broken down her rule has been enforced in our instructions from the 
outset. Furthermore, the right of a nation which has been successful 
in a war forced upon it to exact an indemnity afterwards for the cost 
of the war is recognized. Adding pensions and other proper items to 
this cost as already tabulated, we have a total of between two hundred 
and fifty and three hundred millions. Spain is without money or the 
means of procuring it, and can therefore pay us in nothing' but terri- 
tory. She has so far given us only Porto Rico. How far does that 
go towards repaying our outlay in cash, to say nothing of the derange- 
ment of business and loss of life? For a standard of valuation we may 
perhaps refer to the five considerable purchases of territory we have 
made within a century and the others we have considered. 

We paid twelve million for I.rOuisiana; five million for Florida; fif- 
teen million for territory acquired from Mexico under the treaty of Gua- 
daloupe, including New Mexico, Colorado (and) California; ten million 
for territory acquired in like manner by the Gadsden purchase; and seven 
million two hundred thousand for Alaska.. We once offered seven mil- 
lion and a half for St. Thomas and St. Johns, and later coidd have had 
that whole group for five million. For Cuba we once talked of paying 
one hundred million, and at another time a hundred and twenty-five mil- 
lion. Taking this last as coming nearest to fixing a standard of value 
in the present case, we may reckon that Porto Eico, farther from us, 
less important to the protection of our coasts, and only one-tweifth 
size, though with nearly one-half as much population, could not by 
any possibility be regarded as indemnity for more than forty or fifty 
million of our just claim. Even if Cuba were added in its present 
devastated and depopulated condition, the present valuation of the two 



THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 367 

would not repay the outlay forced upon us by the war; but we have 
all along refused to take Cuba. What else has Spain with which to 
repay us except the archipelago, which lies at our mercy with its cap- 
ital in our possession? Its area is just about two and a half times that 
of Cuba, but instead of being near our coasts it is halfway around the 
globe from us. Some of our people think it worthless to us, and prob- 
ably few that it could be valued so high as the remaining two hundred 
or two hundred and fifty million of our cash outlay; but it is an asset 
of some sort — whether to develop or to dispose of — and we ought now 
to retain the power to do either as the Government and the people on 
fuller knowledge may determine. 

Are at the end of six weeks of fruitless negotiation (one-half longer 
than it took France and Germany to agree upon their first treaty of 
peace after their last war); this suggests to me now the desirableness of 
our calling time on the Spanish commissioners, and giving notice that 
we must either make some progTess or close the protocol. At the same 
time, in our own interest, we must shrink from renewing the war, even 
in name, over our prostrate foe, and must take into consideration the 
great desirableness of securing a definite and permanent treaty of peace. 
To do this I would be willing to make some concessions from our just 
dues if sure they could not be misinterpreted and used as a pretext for 
greater delays and further unreasonable demands. 

I would be willing, as one proposition, under such conditions and 
only as a certain means of speedily securing a treaty, to leave Spain, 
Mindanao and the Sulu group in the southern part of the Philippine 
Islands — that is to say, the Mohammedan part of the archipelago, 
being about one-third of it — and take instead all the Carolines and the 
Ladrones, while making stringent requirements as to the freedom of 
religion as well as forbidding Spanish restrictions on trade with the 
rest of the Philippine Islands. I would not compromise our position 
on the Cuban debt by doing anything to recognize that of the Philip- 
pine Islands, it being apparent that it was used to prosecute the war 
against insurgents, partly in the Philippine Islands and partly in 
Cuba; but rather than lose a treaty and resume hostilities I would, 
as another proposition, be willing to take the Carolines in addition to 
all the Philippine Islands, and in return for the Carolines and for 
past pacific expenditures in them and in the Philippine Islands I would 
be willing to give a lump sum of from twelve to fifteen million dollars, 



368 TEE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 

providing ultimately for this sum out of the revenues of the islands; 

and, finally, as a last concession from this second proposition, I would 

not sacrifice the treaty for the sake of retaining Mindanao and the 

Sxilu group. 

Whitelaw Reid. 

(5) It is my opinion that the existing situation requires that the 
United States present v^-ithout much delay an ultimatum insisting upon 
the signature of a treaty for the cession by Spain of the entire Philip- 
pine Islands archipelago, Porto Eico, and Guam and the relinquish- 
ment of sovereigTity over Cuba. I am also of the opinion that we 
should pay no money to Spain on account of her debt or on any other 
account whatsoever, and that we should so declare in an ultimatum, if 
necessary. It now appears that Spain has paid nothing for any pacific 
improvements in the Philippine Islands. They have all been paid for 
by the proceeds of local taxation of the islands. I believe that one of 
the purposes of Spain in protracting these negotiations is to entangle 
the United States with some of the European powers. The Spanish 
commissioners have reoccupied tlieir first position, that the United 
States shall assume or be bound for the so-called colonial debt, and it 
is plain that so long as her commissioners thus contend the negotia- 
tion stands just as it did as its beginning. I do not believe we shall 
ever get a treaty except as a result of such an unyielding ultimatum. 

Friday morning, 29th. 

C. K. Davis. 

The treaty was very much as the President cared to have it. He made 
some concessions, but carried the substantial points. The powerfully 
drawn opinions of Davis and Day were allowed to float aside. This chap- 
ter of history should put an end to the impression, which has been with 
such assiduity cultivated, that the President was easily managed. The 
fact is he managed the managers, and the "Bosses" knew the limitations 
of these pasture lands. President McKinley was not a yielding disposi- 
tion. He had that reputation very erroneously. The fact is that he was 
very firm in his convictions, that his courtesy and consideration for others 
caused a misunderstanding. He always stood out for the important 
points, gaining them by conceding those of minor importance. If he 
yielded what seemed to be an important point, it was to gain one more 
important. He had his way to a most remarkable degree, while seeming' 



THE TREATY WITH SPAIN. 369 

to be compliant. Hispolicy, his personal force, dominated Congress more 
than any President I have ever known, and without creating ill-feeling. 
Men were yielding to him, and giving him his way, when they thought 
they were overcoming the presidential will. No matter that he set his 
mind on having go his way, ever failed to do so. He wantedreciprocityto 
he sure, but up to the time of his death he had not set his heart upon it, 
but his Buffalo speech showed that he was going to fight for it. It was 
in a sense unfortunate for him that there was a misapprehension as to his 
being pliable — it gave him the reputation of being easily influenced, but 
that diplomatic pliability enabled him to secure his way with less diffi- 
culty. He won, and those who did not wish him to do so did not learn 
until later that he had. The general public has regarded Senator Hanna 
as all-influential, but Hanna often truly told his personal friends that he 
could not move McKinley, and, in consequence, was thought insincere 
when he had simply failed. The latter quietly and unobtrusively ruled, 
and ruled his cabinet equally with others. That which is thus proven 
in the history of war is demonstrated also in the story of peace. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

THE CHRISTIAN CHAEACTER OF PRESIDENT McKINLEY. 

His Dying Recognition of "God's Way"— The Death of Mr. McKiuley an Inipresslre 
Testimony— The Poetry About the Tragedy— The Keynote of Faith in Life— Dr. 
Talmage on McKinley's Religious Character. 

"It is God's way," were the dying words of William McKinley, 
President of the United States, and there was a momentous depth in 
the simple words. There was no man on the face of the earth who had 
fairer and grander prospects for doing good than he. His speech of 
the day before declared how busy his mind was with the great future of 
his country, how he had mapped out for himself an enormous task of 
good-will labor. He had succeeded in so many things, he had con- 
fidence in the achievements of the hereafter in America. In a moment 
had been revealed to him the vision of sudden death. It came in a 
bloody mist of murder. He told his faithful secretary to be careful how 
the truth would reach his wife, and he bore up bravely. He had been 
at school in war, and said to the surgeons when they had him on the 
table, and when he knew they were men of science, that he was in 
their hands. All at last was in vain, and the dark way he was to go 
was "God's way." He was a believer in Christianity, humbly, truly, 
devotedly. He was an observer of the golden rule. It is said of him 
that for thirty-five years he never failed to find a service of religion 
on Sunday, and there are few men in the world of whom that can be 
said so unreservedly. 

There is this to say as to the result: The death of McKinley — won- 
derfully as the Master died — has given an impulse to Christian feeling, 
and lifted up broken hearts and comforted mourners by the sublime 
example extraordinary in the annals of the profession, expansion and 
elevation of the influence of the Christian faith. 

The tragic death of President McKinley has moved all sorts and con- 
ditions of the American people to express their emotions in verse. Dur- 
ing the past week the Inter Ocean mentions that it has received about 
one hundred poems upon various phases of the sad event. Not one of 
them, so far as a rather extensive acquaintance with current literature 

370 



CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 371 

can judge, has come from a "professional" poet — one to whom the 
writing of verse is the principal business of life. Such poets doubtless 
realize from experience the difficulty of doing their best work "off- 
hand," and are waiting until their emotions are clarified by reflection 
that they may then, perchance, be able to sing of the nation's fallen 
leader some song that will give the singer lasting fame. 

Such an attitude betokens an ambition altogether worthy, but the 
average man knows not its impulses. He simply seeks to express his 
feelings, and if he possesses anything of the lyric on such occasions it 
dominates. He pauses not to think of niceties of form, but out of the 
abundance of his heart his mouth speaks and his pen writes. Two or 
three of the poems received are the productions of working newspaper 
men, who do not consider themselves poets in the highest sense, but 
whose training has given them facility of expression and -whose emo- 
tions move them at such times to poetic endeavor. But the great 
majority come from men and women — whether of formal education or 
lacking its advantages — who would not ordinarily dream of trying to 
write poetry. They are men of business and of the professions and of 
the mechanic arts. They are women engrossed with the care of homes 
and children. The grief that moved a nation has lifted them for the 
nonce out of their everyday lives, and with hands often unaccustomed 
they have taken up the pen to try and tell what they feel. 

Many of these poems, however, while technically defective in some 
respects, contain fine and original ideas. They are diamonds in the 
rough, which need but a little more polish to bring out their latent 
beauties. Although the writers were not poets by profession, the great 
impulse of a nation's grief has made them such for the time. And to 
the reflective and patriotic mind those "artless strains of unpremedi- 
tated song" are more valuable than the products of the deliberate skill 
of the professional writer. They are songs right out of the people's 
hearts, and it is a great thing for any man to have inspired so general 
and genuine an outburst of sincere feeling. 

These songs we reproduce with the annotations that accompanied 
their original publication. 

Of all the poems received the first that follows seems to strike most 
clearly the general note of emotion over the nation's loss. Critics of 
the kind that censured Rudyard Kipling's "Recessional" may also say 
that these lines contain nothing positively new. Yet, as the "Reces- 



372 CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 

sional" was seen to sum up an age and a nation's place in the world, 
so this sums up the American people's present emotions of sorrow, hope 
and faith: 

LUX E TENEBRIS. 

" Nearer to thee;" with dying lips he spoke 

The sacred words of Christian hope and cheer, 
As toward the Valley of the Shadow passed 
Ilis calm, heroic soul that knew no fear. 

"Thy will be done;" the anxious watchers heard 
The faint, low whisper in the silent room; 
Earth's darkness merging fast into the dawn, 
Eternal Day for Night of somber gloom. 

" It is God's will;" as he had lived he died — 
Statesman and soldier, fearing not to bear 
Fate's heavy cross ; while swift from sea to sea 
Rolled the deep accents of a nation's prayer. 

" Dust unto dust;" in solemn state he lies 

Who bowed to Death, yet won a deathless name, 
And wears in triumph on his marble brow 
The martyr's crown, the hero's wreath of fame, 
diicago. George T. Pardy. 



^o"- 



The next shows, perhaps, a more delicate imagination and great 
deftness of expression. It is the man of letters rather than the average 
man's poem, but it is beautiful in itself, and well worthy of remem- 
brance. At least one line — "Mankind stands at salute" — displays a 
breadth of vision deserving the highest praise: 

MANKIND AT, SALUTE. 

Where meets the touch of lips — 

Where closes clasp of hand — 
Where sail the stately ships — 

Where blooms each flowering land; 
Where palm and pine trees shed 

Their balm of bough and leaf, 
A world bends low its head 

In brotherhood of grief. 



CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 373 

Out of the distance, infinite, vast — 

Echo of myriad marching feet — 
Riseth a prayer when all is past 

''Take him, O God; his life was sweet." 

Where sultry sun beats down — 

Where shining ice fields gleam — 
Where pathless forests frown — 

Where languid islands dream; 
Mankind stands at salute 

Wherever thought has birth; 
A. universe is mute, 

A dirge goes round the earth. 

Out of the distance — mystical, tender — 

Whispered appeal to forever endure — 
Riseth a prayer to the Great Defender, 

"Take him, O God; his life was pure." 

Where breathes a clown or king — 

Where prince and pauper stride — 
Where races sigh or sing — 

Where woe or pomp abide; 
Downcast and soft of tread, 

Churl, statesman, beggar, slave. 
Walk for a moment with the dead — 

A world weeps at a grave. 

And out of the distance, falling, falling — 
Murmured appeal for the martyred dust — 

Cometh the prayer of the nations calling: 
"Take him, O God; his life was just." 
Chicago. Harold Richard N\ynne. 

Several Avriters expressed the general feeling that not so much 
William McKinley the man as liberty herself and the majesty of law 
were assailed by the assassin, and that it was time for all law and free- 
dom loving men to stand up against the spirit of destruction that 
prompted so vile a deed. Different phases of this emotion are well 
expressed in the two following poems: 

PLEDGE WE OUR FAITH! 

The waves of pain break o'er the land. 
From East and North and South the woe 



374 CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 

Streams to the ocean and the gulf, and West 

The continental flow 
Sweeps o'er the mountains to the wondering sea — 
A mighty people writhes in agony. 

Arouse we from this useless grief, 

Americans of might! 
Cast off the antique shackles of the law, 

And wreak a vengeance right ! 
Nay! Our majestic dead forgave, and we. 
To honor him must be what he would haA'e us be! 

Yet it is hard, this bitter cross 

To suffer under heaven. 
When we did hold our hearts and pray, 

And death's the answer given — 
Though dead he speaks from his supernal day: 
" Ascend the path of pain, this is God's way!" 



" Thy will be done," he said, and we submit; 
We will be strong and brave; 
We thank Thee for our heroes all, 

Each in his honored grave. 
And here upon this consecrated sod 
Pledge we our faith anew to Fatherland and God! 
Chicago. ^- P- Ramsay, 

THE HEART OP LIBERTY. 

Oh, great departed, nations — naj', a race — 

Beside thy sacred tomb, with face wet 

With tears, are mourning one who grandly died ; 

Not deck'd in warrior spoils; not one who dragg'd 

A groaning train of conquered provinces 

Behind his chariot; but one who led 

The hemispheres in triumph at the wheels 

Of Peace. Not one who paid the price of death 

For high Ambition's bauble; one who bound 

The laurel to his brow with heart-strings. Nay— 

But one who died with hands outstretched to bid 

Us love and guard our liberties; and blessed 

Us with his latest breath of pain, then laid 

Him down to martyrdom and truest glory. 



VERliiTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 375 

No enemies thou hadst; but foemen, yes, 
Who joined the battle with a foeman's love 
Of great antagonists. No garland on thy bier 
Is laid with gentler high regard than blooms 
That grew in hostile gardens. Ne'er a sob 
Of comrade of the self-same standard pays 
A truer tribute than the tears that fall 
From the eyes that loved another banner more. 
Thy death doth pay the ransom of a cause 
That rallies all the world beneath its flag. 
The hand that snapped thy thread of life struck not 
At thee. It knew no malice save the hate 
Of Liberty; it sought her heart, not thine; 
Beside thy tomb we bow and consecrate 
A new devotion to the heritage 
Thy wounds have left us. From thy Calvary 
Of pain, whereon thou died from weal of all 
Mankind, we lift and lay thy body down 
To sleep. Already is th.y better part 
Arisen, and thy sacrifice not vain. 
Thy life hath made the dead more dearly brave 
By teaching us a higher love for what 
They died for; and thy world-wept death hath made 
The living freer than were e'er the dead. 
Kansas City, Mo. Frank A. Marshall. 

The treachery and cruelty of the attack Avere commented upon by 
many writers. Of the poems of this class the following are perhaps the 
most striking specimens: 

••THEN BURST HIS MIGHTY HEART." 

With kindly eyes and outstretched hand he stood 
Among his people, giving friendly greetings. 

Then one came there whose bandaged hand betokened 
Some bitter pain. McKinley forward leaned 
With instant sympathy. The treacherous hand 
The bandage shook away, and smote him down! 

Then from those kindly eyes there came a look 
Whereof men speak in whispers, vainly seeking 
For words to tell the grief it more than spoke. 



376 CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 

As mighty Julius looked upon the friend 
Whose dagger took his life, e'en so McKinley, 
Whose every thought was for his countrymen, 
Gazed with a breaking heart when forced to know 
That one of these, his people, so beloved. 
Had sent that murderous bullet to his breast. 
That knowledge slew him— broke his loving heart- 
He closed his eyes and prayed, "Thy will be done," 
And sank to rest ; but they who saw that look, 
So piteous and forgiving, understand 
What Judas saw when he his Lord betrayed. 
Heafford, Wis. Elloie Funston. 

THE SHAME AND PITY OF IT. 

Our country mourns a heart that loved her well. 
And small the soul that light regards such loss. 
Whose shadow shall fall dark the years across. 
Sad looks, half-masted flags, and tolling bell 
To the large world a people's sorrow tell. 
We with his record fitly may emboss 
The nation's shield. Ah! treason none may gloss — 
The stroke by which our chief so honored fell. 
The pity of it! He so glad to give 
That hand-clasp as a sign of brotherhood, 
Trusting men's aims because his own were pure — 
The shame of it! that dastard could receive 
Such gentle courtesy and in vile mood 
Make of his own response Death's grisly lure. 
Santa Barbara, Cal. F. B. 

The sentiment that it is a time when men should turn m prayer to 
the Author of the Universe as children to a pitiful and merciful father 
is also general. Of this feeling the following poems give typical expres- 
sion. They disclose the emotion which made millions on Thursday bow 
their heads simultaneously in reverent silence and checked all over the 
land the wheels of traffic and industry: 

THE NATION'S PRAYER. 

When dark the cloud hangs o'er our laud, 

O Father, hear us; 
Where grief hath laid its heavy hand, 

Our God, be near us; 



CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 377 

Teach Thou our hearts and lips to saj, 
" Thy will be done," from day to day, 
Hear, as we bow in deeji distress, 
Hear Thou our prayer. Thy people bless. 

Sore stricken by the hand of hate, 

O Father, hear us; 
Thy love alone can compensate, 

Our God, be near us; 
Thou who hast led us through the years, 
Comfort our hearts and dry our tears, 
Thy love and mercy we address. 
Hear Thou our prayer, thy people bless. 

Here on our country's altar slain, 

O Father, hear us; 
Let not this sacrifice be vain, 

Our God, be near us; 
Kenew our faith, make strong our hands, 
Unite us all in firmer bands — 
For freedom, truth and righteousness. 
Hear Thou our prayer, thy people bless. 
Hammond, Ind. Robert P. Twiss. 

A PRAYER. 

Deep is our sorrow, deep our disgrace. 
Lord, from thy people hide not ^^Thy face. 
Now, while affliction darkens our sun, 
Help us to say. Lord, "Thy will be done." 
Unto our cry, Lord, Thine ear incline; 
Help us to know that Wisdom is Thine; 
All Thou wouldst teach. Lord, aid us to leam; 
Forbid, ah, forbid, Thy rod we should spurn. 
Father, behold Thy children's deep woe; 
Unto our sins do Thou mei*cy show; 
Draw near our hearts in our day of affliction; 
Grant to our souls Thy divine benediction. 
Elkhart, Ind. Mary Frances Bigelow. 

The feeling that by too indulgent toleration of the infamous doc- 
trines whose disciple slew the good President the nation has fallen into 
disgrace and incurred a stain upon its honor which must be effaced, 
expressed in the foregoing, has struck other writers even more forcibly: 



H7S CEBI8TIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 



WEEP FOR THE CRIME. 

Weep not for your leader fallen, 

America's sons to-day: 
Know ye not that our nation's hero 

Is safe with his God for aye? 

Know ye not that his deeds of gloi*y 

Will shine as the noonday sun, 
As our great republic ages 

Through its life but just begun? 

But with bitter tears of repentance, 

In sackcloth and ashes mourn, 
For the wild beast ye have nourished, 

That has Freedom's heart strings torn. 

With shame-covered face, ye people. 

In your tears make a sacred vow, 
With God's help to cleanse our nation 

From the crime that stains it now. 

Then bright our flag and scutcheon 

Will shine through endless time, 
And Columbia rise from her sorrow 

To majesty sublime. 
Chicago, 111. M. G. H. 

The sense of personal loss which millions felt in William McKinley's 
death is well expressed in the following lines, whose author omitted to 
give either name or address: 

HIS PEOPLE'S CRY. 

We would that we might sing of him 

In proudest song; 
We would that we could speak the lauds 

That to him belong — 
The bravest and the tenderest soul 

That men can know — 
But only this our trembling voice — 

'^We loved him so!" 



VHIilSTlAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. :^TU 

The nations pause in startled grief 

At tlie awful word — ■ 
The nations that his wise, just voice 

Attentive heard — 
But we his people but behold 

Our chief laid low — ■ 
We can but sob from stricken hearts, 

"We loved him so!" 

The stalwart craftsman at his toil 

Turns pale and still; 
The clamors falter in the mart, 

And hard eyes fill; 
The plowman cries across his fields 

With words of woe, 
And children whisper tearfully, 

"We loved him so!" 

The starry flag, the flag he spread 

O'er new-born lands, 
Droops low upon its staff to seek 

Those patient hands; 
Great God!* Thou who alone our hearts 

Canst wholly know, 
To him give thy Eternal Peace — 

We loved him so! 

The belief that McKinley, the man, even more than MoKinley, the 
statesman, deserves to be mourned, the lesson his life should teach, and 
the example his career has left to posterity are touched upon in the 
following poems: 

WE MOURN THE MAN. 

Nobility at last must reach the plain 
Where all life finds a level once again. 
Not fame, with all its panoply of power, 
Can soothe the anguish of the final hour; 
One day a pauper to the potter's field, 
The next a King to destiny doth yield. 
No downy couch awaits the monarch's form, 
For Mother Earth's embrace is just as warm 
For pauper as for Prince — or just as cold; 
No diadem can keep away the mold. 



380 CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 

Nobility of soul means more than birth. 
The truly great is he of simple worth, 
Who ever strives to do the Master's will 
With benefit for hurt, with good for ill. 

We mourn the man, forgetting his estate, 

For he was good — what matters it how great? 

The note this nation voices in its grief 

Is not mere honor paid a martyr'd chief. 

It is the sign of sympathy and love 

Wrought in our hearts by him who reigns above. 

Eternal God, Preserver of mankind. 
Hear Thou this nation's prayer. Though we be blind 
Because of tears that rise, thou seest all 
Who suffer here, Thou answerest those who call. 
With thy strong arm sustain that lonely one. 
That she, with us, may say, "Thy will be done." 
Chicago. Donald D. Donnan. 



FAREWELL. ^ 

We mourn for the lov'd and the lost, but our mourning 
Is edg'd as the storm-cloud is edg'd by the sun, 

As he sinks to his rest through the glory adorning 
The couch of the day, when his labor is done. 

We weep for the brave and the true, but our weeping 
Is not with the tears that we shed on a grave. 

For we know, and the soul knows heaven has in keeping, 
There can be no death for the true and the brave. 

We pray, not for him, but for those left behind him; 

For her who must mourn, for the love gone before; 
But the soul which he lov'd, when it follows, shall find him, 

As sure as love lives, to be parted no more. 

We pray for these. Lord, and ourselves and the nation; 

We pray we may keep what his wisdom has won; 
That Thy pity may crown us with Thy consolation, 
And faith in believing Thy will is well done. 
Des Moines, Iowa, Charles Gould Beede. 




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VHRLSTIAX CHARACTER OF McKIXLEY. 383 

"WHO, BEING DEAD, YET SPBAKETH." 

Oh, best beloved — 

Father, yet ward of this roung, lusty laud, 
Why should'st thou fall 
When gathered 'rouud about thee strong and true 

Thy sons in loyal 'tendance proudly .stand? 

Alas! the Judas comes and with a traitor's smile, 
He masks a murderer's heart with well-feigned guile. 
A shot is heard — it echoes o'er the main, 
And never shall thy voice be heard again. 
Yea, stilled for aye — Columbia doth mourn 
The voice of one who did her states adorn — 
A loving husband, noble, loyal friend. 
Who kept his country's welfare to the end. 

Yet in the days to come, altho' asleep, 
Thy counsel wise shall still our footsteps keep; 
And thus thy bright example ever moi«e shall shine 
As beacon clear to link our lives with thine. 
Chicago. Henry G. Longhurst. 

AT REST. 

A nation mourns thee with a grief sincere; 
To loyal hearts forever dear 

Thy name will bright remain; 
As Freedom's emblem waves o'er all 
May we with love and pride recall 
Those days our soldiers like a wall 

Guarded its folds from stain; 
When thou above the clouds of war 
Rose as a bright and radiant star. 

Shall Anarchy now rule our land, 
Blood-bought by each heroic band. 

That Peace might dwell secure? 
Nay, God forbid! Our land shall be 
A haven of rest, where all are free 
To serve their ( !od, from sea to sea — 

Forever to endure, 
Till Time no more shall toll his bell — 
^^ For Christ, our Lord, doth all things well! 



384 CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 

Eest thou in peace, Columbia's son, 
God's will in all things e'er is done, 

Tbough deep our grief may be; 
Dwell thou with God forevermore, 
As down Time's dim and sounding shore 
fWe travel on, may we adore 

And serve our God like thee; 
Bring lilies with full hands for him we love 
Whose soul now rests in peace with God above. 
Chicago, 111. David B. Metcalf. 

McKINLEY SLEEPS. 

Cut down in life, just as a mighty oak 
Withers and dies, after the lightning's stroke. 
A man of peace, he trusted friend and foe; 
He could forgive the one who laid him low. 
A king was he, by choice, and not by birth ; 
Friends he had made in every land on earth. 
Our nation mourns, but sorrows not alone; 
Love's tributes come from many a distant throne. 
Bring flags and flowers and place them round his bier; 
O'er his dear face let's drop a silent tear. 
Fold his brave arms across his loving breast; 
He now has found that sweet eternal rest. 
Chicago. Sallie Keep Best. 

References to the beloved and faithful wife so cruelly made a widow 
are frequent in these poems from the people, and one writer has devoted 
some verses entirely to her: 

DEAR STRICKEN ONE! 

Dear stricken one! A nation mourns with thee! 

Hearts fill with grief, and eyes with tears o'erswell; 
The depths of loss, the emptiness of heart, 

The loneliness wherein thou now must dwell. 
Are known to thee and God. None else can know 
Save she who bears and he who gives the blow. 

Dear stricken one! The whole world mourns with thee! 

Thy lov'd is gone, his labors here are done; 
Repine not, patient soul, with him all's well; 



CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 385 

Reward is liis, exceeding great, well won. 
From present ills look to thy God and see 
"Thy glory which shall be reveal'd in thee." 

Chicago, 111. Alice D. Wilson. 

The soldier comrades of the dead have also voiced their grief. As 
is quite natural, they tend to emphasize the unity of the nation, the 
concord of brethren once discordant and belligerent, which President 
McKinley's administration was destined to make so clear to all the 
world. 

OUR COMRADE. 

Passing away, yes, passing away; 
Fewer our numbers day by day, 
Over the river with noiseless tread 
One by one go the soldier dead, 

And enter their tents of clay; 
Free from the cares of this earthly life. 
Free from the call of drum or fife. 
Free from the clamors of sin and strife, 

They wait for the judgment day. 

Passing away, yes, passing away; 
Dropping from broken ranks each day. 
Camping beneath the grassy mound, 
Sleeping till comes the trumpet's sound, 

Eending the earth and skies; 
Resting unmov'd by the falling tear, 
Resting unvex'd by the venom'd sneer, 
Resting until a Voice they hear. 

Calling for them to rise. 

Passing away, yes, passing away; 
They who Avere gather'd in brave array, 
Who proudly march'd o'er the fields of death, 
Husii'd by the blight of the reaper's breath, 

Garnering sheaves that fell; 
Slowly they pass from mortal view. 
Slowly marcli to tlie, grand review. 
Slowly gather where gray and blue 

Ever in peace shall dwell. 



386 CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 

Passing away, yes, passing away; 
And the world unites with us to-day 
In deepest sorrow for him who fell 
By deed as foul as e'er dreamt in hell, 

Fell, with his life half spent; 
Tenderly lay him down to rest. 
Gently with her whom he lov'd best 
Join our tears on the loyal breast 
Of our comrade and President. 
Bloomingion, 111. C. 0. Hassler. 

ONE GOD! ONE FLAG! 

He is dead! and hushed in its breathing 
The nation stands pulseless and dumb, 

While those, who so lately were seething 
With war hate, now rev'rently come. 

A homage of love do they tender 

To him there, so silent and still, 
As grand as when in surrender, 

They bowed to determinate will; 

A homage to splendid achievement. 

That to-day, throughout our broad land, 

In this hour of the Nation's bereavement, 
Gives faith that it ever shall stand. 

A Nation — no longer divided; 

No North and no South, but at call 
We are brethren, forever united. 

With one God. and one flag, over all! 

Chicago. James R. Hewlett. 

Mr. Charles M. Pepper, a newspaper correspondent who spent a 
great deal of time with McKinley, and knew him so well as to call him 
by his good old name, Major, says: 

"The keynote of his character was faith. It was faith which sus- 
tained him after the assassin's bullet struck him down in Buffalo, and 
this serene faith in the wisdom of Providence was manifest throughout 
his public career. He had faith in American institutions, faith in the 
American people, and faith in himself. With such a character, his 



CHBISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 38T 

temperament could not be otherwise than sanguine, and all public 
measures were studied by him in an optimistic mood. 

"I remember one evening in the library at Canton, when, quite un- 
consciously and unintentionally, he gave some of us a little talk on 
faith. It was at the hour when he was in the habit of seeing those who 
were privileged to call on him, and in whose judgment he could confide 
and talk freely. Some of the persons present had intimated their dis- 
belief in the efficacy of faith and trust. Without saying a word on the 
incident which had caused the discussion, and without giving any opin- 
ion, Major McKinley related a number of instances which had come 
under his personal attention, and which showed the comfort of faith 
and of prayer. It was all done so gently and without any intention of 
rebuke, but that little talk made clear his own supreme faith. 

"I remember one afternoon in Canton, when his library' and parlors 
were crowded with men of national prominence. There were three or 
four United States Senators, half a dozen Representatives in Congress, 
two or three Governors, and several party leaders. 

"A poor woman, with her daughter, asked an interview. She had 
with her a number of papers, and she told the secretary that it was a 
pension case. The President-elect saw her at once. He looked over 
the papers, explained very patiently how the case would have to be 
sent to the Pension Office in Washington, and what course it would 
have to follow there. He also promised^ her that it should receive 
prompt attention. Whether it would be allowed or not, of course he 
could not say, but he called a stenographer and dictated a letter which 
at least would insure for it an early hearing. All this took ten or fifteen 
minutes, but Major McKinley manifested no annoyance, and by his 
own patient forbearance he rebuked the distinguished visitors who 
showed signs of impatience because tlieir business Avas not given prefer- 
ence over that of the poor woman with the pension case. 

"President McKinley's home life is so well known to the American 
people that it does not neetl to be retold, but T think that nothing in 
all the world could have afforded him such gi'atificatiou at his first 
inauguration as the presence of the two persons he most loved of all 
human beings. These were his wife and his mother. During the period 
between election and inauguration at times in Canton there would be 
some uncertainty about the health of one or the other, and those were 
the only periods when Major McKinley showed depression. 



388 CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 

"After he became President, I saw him occasionally at the White 
House, and found him always with the same serene faith and the same 
world-wide charity. Human suffering anywhere appealed to him. The 
Cuban reconcentrados, the famine-stricken natives of India, or the 
starving- wretches of China, all enlisted his sympathy, and I pleasantly 
recall the keen interest he showed in the relief measures of Dr. Klopsch 
and the aid which he gave to those measures. 

"I last saw President McKinley a few weeks ago in his home at 
Canton, spending an hour with him in the library, where, more than 
four years ago, so many interviews were held with him. He was full of 
life and vigor and hope. He talked to me chiefly of measures of public 
policy, but throughout it all was the ringing note of faith which I have 
before remarked was the keynote of his character." 

The testimony of Mr. Pepper is of value — for he wrote of the truth 
he knew. 

Dr. Talmage contributes to the Christian Herald an article that all 
men should read. The theme is "Our Dead President." 

"The President is dead! A wave of sorrow rolls over the land. It is 
to me a personal bereavement. From the time that William McKinley, 
as president of the Young Men's Christian Association at Canton, O., 
introduced me to an audience until the present, nothing of importance 
occurred in his life or mine, but we exchanged telegrams. We have 
been very good friends. But he is gone. God pity his wife! God 
pity us! 

"President McKinley was all his life the enemy of sin, the enemy of 
sectionalism, the enemy of everything small-hearted, impure and debas- 
ing, and he made many a crushing blow against these moral and polit- 
ical Philistines, but in his death he made mightier conquest. His one 
week of dying has made more illustrious record than the fifty-seven 
years living. 'So the dead which he slew at his death were more than 
they which he slew in his life.' 

"Our President's death, more than his life, or any life, eulogizes the 
Christian I'eligion. We all talk about the hope of the Christian, and 
the courage of the Christian and the patience of the Christian. 
Put all the sermons on these subjects for the last ten years 
together, and they would not make such an impression as the 
magnificent demeanor of this dying chief magistrate. Going into 



CHBISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 389 

unconsciousness undex' the powei" of anesthetics, he is hearing 
whispers of 'Thine is the kingdom, and the power and the glory.' He 
utters words pitying his assassin. In his last moments he chanted 
'Nearer, my God, to Thee, nearer to Thee.' He was no more afraid to 
die than you are to go home this morning. Without one word of com- 
plaint he endures the physical anguish. All he ever did in confirmation 
of religion in days of health was nothing compared to what he did for 
it in this last crisis. 

"Many years ago he rose in a religious meeting and asked for 
prayers. Soon after he knelt at the church altar. William McKinley 
had no new religion to experiment with in his last hours. It was the 
same Gospel into the faith of which he was baptized in early manhood. 
That religion has stood the test through all the buffetings and perse- 
cutions, through the hard work of life, and did not forsake him in the 
tremendous closer 

"There have been thousands of death-beds as calm and beautiful as 
this, but they were not so conspicuous. This electrifies Christendom. 
This encourages all the pain-struck in hospitals and scattered all up 
and down the world, to suffer patientl}-. The consumptive, the can- 
cered, the palsied, the fevered, and the dying of all nations lift their 
heads from their hot pillows, and bless this heroic, this triumphant, this 
illustrious sufferer. The religion that upheld him under the surgeon's 
knife, and amid the appalling days and nights of suffering, is a good 
religion to have. Show us in all the ages among the enemies of Chris- 
tianity a death-bed that will compare with this radiant sunset! 

"These last scenes must impress the world, as no preachment ever 
did, that wlien our time comes to go, the most energetic and skillful 
physicians cannot hinder the event. Was there ever so much done to 
save a man's life as the life of Tresident McKinley. But the doctors 
could not keep him. A loving and brave wife could not keep him. The 
anxieties of a nation could not keep him. His great spirit pushes them 
all back from tlie gates of life, and soars aM'ay into the infinities. 

"This tragedy, as nothing else, demonstrates what a hideous thing 
is Xiliilisni or Anarchy. That assassin shouted: 'I am an Anarchist.' 
Anarchism owns nothing but a knife for universal cut-throatei-y, and 
a nitroglycerine bomb for universal explosion. He believes in no God, 
no government, no heaven and no hell except what he can make on 
earth! He slew the Czar of Russia, keeps the Emperor of Germany 



390 CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 

a-tremble, destroyed the King of Italy, shot at Edward the Prince, now 
Edward the King, and would put to death every king and president on 
earth; and if he had the power, would climb up until he could drive the 
God of Heaven from his throne and take it himself, the universal 
butcher. In France it is called Communism. In Kussia it is called 
Nihilism. It means complete and eternal smash-up, and it would drive 
a dagger through your heart, aud put a torch to your dwelling, and turn 
over the whole land to theft, lust, rapine aud murder. 

"Where does this monster live? In all the cities of this land. It 
proposes to tear to pieces the ballot-box, the legislative hall, the Con- 
gressional assembly. It would take this land and divide it up, or rather 
divide it down. It would give as much to the idler as to the worker, 
to the bad as to the good. 

"Anarchism ! This panther having prowled across other lands, has set 
its i)aw on our soil. It was Anarchism that burned the railroad property 
at Pittsburg during the great riots; it was Anarchism that slew black 
people in our Northern cities during the Civil War; it is Anarchism that 
glares out of the windows of the drunkeries upon sober people as they 
go by. Ah! its power has never yet been tested. I pray God its power 
may never be fully tested. It would, if it had the power, leave every 
church, chapel, cathedral, schoolhouse and college in ashes. It is the 
worst enemy of the laboring classes in our country. In this land riot 
and bloodshed never gained any wages for the people, or gathered up 
any prosperity. In this land the best weapon is not the club, not the 
shillalah, not firearms, but the ballot. 

"But Anarchism is doomed. Russia, and Germany, and Italy, and 
France, and England will join hands with the United States in memory 
of Abraham Lincoln, and James A. Garfield, and William McKinley to 
put down this villainy of the centuries.'' 

The Northwestern Christian Advocate, under date of September 18, 
speaks as follows of the late President McKinley: 

" 'When Joseph Addison lay on his deathbed, in his last hours of 
consciousness, he sent for his stepson, the dissolute young earl of War- 
wick, whom he told to see how a Christian could die. History presents 
no Christian deathbed scene more instructive and memorable than that 
of President McKinley.' 

"This Is the tribute paid the martyred President, not by a devoted 
follower, but by a political opponent — the Chicago Daily Chronicle. It 



CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 391 

expressed in words the unspoken sentiments of millions of hearts as 
they read the accounts of the last words of the dying President. The 
deathbed scene may properly be described as beginning the moment the 
assassin fired the fatal shot, fur the autopsy showed that the bullet had 
poisoned the flesh through which it passed and death from gangrene 
was inevitable. From the moment Mr. McKinley realized that he had 
been shot until he lost consciousness every word and act was a mani- 
festation of a Christlike spirit. His first words after the fatal bullet 
pierced his body were those of tender thoughtfulness for his invalid 
wife; the next of consideration for the man who had shot him — 'Let no 
one hurt him.' His last words were those of Christian faith aud resigna- 
tion to the divine will: 'Good-bye, all; good-bye. It is God's way. His 
will be done, not ours.' Such a death was in harmony with his life, 
which, without ostentation, had always been characterized by reverent 
and simple faith in God. This was most manifest to those who knew 
him in the intimacies of his home-life; but it also displayed itself in the 
tone of his public utterances. His state papers and speeches will rank 
with the noble utterances of Lincoln, and they reveal the secret of the 
affection in which both are held by the common people. 

"How tenderly Mr. McKinley was loved is illustrated by a scene 
which took place early Saturday morning in front of the oflice of one 
of the Chicago daily papers. A great crowd had gathered to read the 
bulletins which announced the condition of the President. When a bul- 
letin was read that indicated that the end was near, such expressions 
were heard as these : 'It can't be true !' 'I can't believe it !' When more 
favorable news arrived there was seldom more than a murmur of relief 
and a cry of 'Thank God!' Though the crowd shifted some, it was 
evident that many were determined to hold their places and wait for 
the end. Among these patient watchers was one aged couple, both 
with white hair, who were accompanied by a young mau, evidently 
their son. The young man kept urging them to 'come home,' but the 
old man would answer: 'Go home, if you want to, George; mother and 
I want to wait and see how the President gets along.' 'Mother' clung 
to the old man's arm and evidently thought as he did. For two hours 
the old couple clung to their places, and when the bulletins ceased and 
darkness closed down on the great crowd they were still there. 

"It was long past midnight Saturday morning when the fateful 
words, 'the President is dead,' on the newspaper bulletins, were read 



392 CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 

by groups of persons stiU watching and waiting in the streets. At 
first the news created a profound silence; then a voice rose clear and 
unfaltering and the familiar words And music of 'Nearer, my God, to 
thee' (the hymn which the bulletins stated the President had repeated 
just before he became unconscious) echoed through the almost deserted 
streets. The hymn swelled to a chorus, heads were bared, faces were 
upturned, the sharp feeling of grief was softened. 

" 'There let the way appear 
Steps unto heaven; 
All that thou sendest me 
In mercy given — ' 

"Here spoke the faith and the resignation of the President, while the 
hope and confidence of the singers, their dominant purpose was voiced 
in the words: 

" 'Out of my stony griefs 
Bethel I'll raise.' 

"As the last notes died away the prophetic impulses focused by the 
music, the confidence in the strength of our institutions found expres- 
sion in a cheer for the new President. There was a quick reaction, and 
the angry feelings of the crowd found expression in the cry, 'Down with 
anarchy!' It was a ci'isis in history like that when Garfield, on the 
night after the assassination of Lincoln, calmed the mob with his mem- 
orable declaration: 'God reigns and the Government at Washington 
still lives!' A young man, a college student, named Harold Hoag, was 
equal to the demand of the moment. In a voice heard by all he said: 
'Let us pray.' Every head was reverently bowed, and as he talked to 
the Divine Kuler of men and nations the angry passions of the crowd 
were stilled and the people quietly dispersed. 

"The President's death had called forth ti'ibutes never before be- 
stowed upon a ruler. In England the daily papers were printed in 
mourning as an expression of grief as for the loss of their own sovereign, 
and the stock and commercial exchanges closed. King Edward has 
commanded that the court go into mourning for one week, and wherever 
a public meeting of any kind has been held, or wherever a public man 
has had occasion to speak, expressions of sympathy have been heard. 



CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 393 

In every place of public worship last Sunday, from St. Paul Cathedral 
and Canterbury Cathedral down, the preachers made special reference 
to the terrible event, invoking God's blessing upon the United States 
and the American people. Crathie Church at Balmoral, whose bells 
had never before been used except on occasions of national interest, 
broke the custom and announced the event to the neighborhood. In 
accordance with a sjiecial army order to the guards at St. James' palace 
and at all other points where guard was mounted throughout the 
United Kingdom, honors were rendered to the memory of President 
McKinley such as are usualh- accorded only on the death of royal per- 
sonages. The troops wore crape and the bands played dirges. No such 
extended tributes of sympathy and respect ever marked the death of 
any person but a British sovereign. They certainly would not have 
been called out by the death of any continental ruler. 

"'The traits of character which won the heart of the world were sup- 
plemented by others which commanded their respect. Mr. McKinley 
was gentle and kind, but he was also firm and courageous. He spoke 
liarshly to none, nor of anyone, but he could not be swerved from the 
path of duty as he saw it. Time has vindicated the wisdom of his course 
in respect to many decisions for which he was severely condemned by 
opponents. Success, however, was due in some of these, perhaps, as 
much to the spirit in which his policy was carried out as to the inherent 
wisdom of that policy. In all his words and acts, public and private, 
he seemed to bear in mind the thought: ' 'Tis not so much what we say 
as the manner in which we say it. 'Tis not so much the language we 
use as the tones in which we convey it.' This is sneered at sometimes 
as 'copy-book philosophy,' but its practical application in life made 
William IMcKinley beloved and great. 

"Mr. McKinley's devotion to his invalid wife was ideal. Well may 
she exclaim out of a broken heart: 'How can I spare him!' For her 
he had a more ardent affection even than for his country, if that were 
possible. The President realized that he was about to die and asked 
for Mrs. McKinley. She came and knelt down by his bed and his eyes 
rested lovingly upon her. All the love of thirty years of married life 
shone in his face as he feebly put out his hands and covered her own 
with his. He knew that he was dying, she only half comprehended it. 
But even in such a trial she kept herself up bravely. She lifted her' 
tear-stained fncf to Dr. Hixey's and exclaimed: 'T know that von will 



394 CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 

save him. I cannot let him go. The country cannot spare him.' Hus- 
band and wife were together for the last time on earth. Those near 
the bedside drew back. Mr. McKinley had said long ago: '^Ye are mar- 
ried lovers.' She bent over him and his lips moved: 'God's will, not 
ours, be done.' He had said farewell to sweetheart, wife and life. Then 
unconsciousness returned to him. May Txod bless and comfort the 
bereaved wife! 

"Dreadful as was the fate of President McKinley, the circumstances 
of his death will write indelibly upon the heart and mind of the people 
of this nation those traits of character which made him good and great. 
His physical presence is gone, but the influence of his life will abide. 

"The tribute of the nation paid at the hour of the funeral services 
in Canton was not only unique, but it will be memorable in history. It 
was a silent tribute, but it will ring through the ages. For five minutes 
the life of the people stopped. Business ceased; trains stopped where 
they were; not a telegi-aph message was sent over the wires; soldiers and 
policemen halted, no matter where they were, uncovered their heads 
and placed their caps or helmets over their hearts; processions halted 
and stood so still that the men could almost hear each other's heart- 
beats. At the close of the five minutes bands began to play softly, 
'Nearer, My God, To Thee,' and voices joined them in singing the hymn. 
All the power of the Government could not have compelled such an elo- 
quent tribute. 

"Was this tribute paid to the assassinated President? It was to the 
true Christian, who, as President, had manifested so Christlike a spirit. 
The death and funeral of McKinley will not only be historic; they will 
mark the beginning of a religious epoch in American history. Never 
before have men's thoughts been turned toward God as during the past 
three weeks. While millions of men stood silent for five minutes in 
mute tribute to the dead President and thought of his character and life 
as well as of his death, many of them also lifted up their hearts in prayer 
that they, too, might be such a Christian as was he, and as they sang, 
as they had never before sung the hymn, 'Nearer, My God, To Thee,' they 
felt a longing desire that they, too, might be drawn nearer to God. Use- 
ful was the life of Mr. McKinley. Blessed was his death." 

The Epworth Herald of September 24th contains the following in 
regard to the noble life and character of Mr. McKinley: 



(JHRWTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 395 

"Our President is dead. The nation is shrouded in sorrow. The 
people of the world are shocked, and ponr out their sympathy and con- 
dolences. 

"The sorrow of our people is poignant. Mr. McKinley was a man 
of the people. His democratic spirit and unassuming manners had 
greatly endearetl him to all classes. The honors of his high office af- 
fected him not an atom. He was the same simple-minded, kindly gen- 
tleman as when, years ago, he was a struggling young lawyer at Can- 
ton. Nothing in the President's life has done more to endear him to 
the American people than his ardent devotion to his invalid wife and 
the rare charm of his domestic life. Even the editors who have attacked 
with vituperative bitterness every public act of the President since he 
assumed office have been compelled to praise the symmetry and strength 
of his private life. It is interesting to note how warmly the men who 
have for six years taken ghoulish glee in assassinating Mr. McKinley's 
good name are now joining with his friends in tributes to his splendid 
abilities, his statesmanship and his personal worth. 

"The particulars of the assassination, the painful sickness, the alter- 
nating waves of hope and despair which swept over the nation, the 
final scenes in the sick-room and the imposing funeral ceremonies, the 
daily press have fully reported. All the details have profoundly 
impressed our people. For the time all sectional and political feel- 
ings have disappeared, and Americans have stood at the open grave 
of their President, controlled by but one feeling — that of sincerest 
sorrow. 

"The Methodist Episcopal Church has special reason for sorrow. 
Mr. McKinley was our most distinguished layman. He was a sincere 
follower of Jesus Christ. His faith was childlike in its simplicity, and 
yet as firm as Gibraltar. Those who had the privilege of living close 
to his heart, and who knew of his spiritual life, tell of its depth and 
serenity. Our martyred President was never ashamed of his church 
affiliations, and was ever loyal to the church which had been instru- 
mental in leading him to the Savior." 

The Interior of September 19th contains the following comforting 
words: 

"More bitter even than if the President's spirit had fled instantly 
when he was attacked is the grief of the nation now that after days of 



396 CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 

hope we yet have lost him. To fall from heights of joy for his recovery 
in a clay's descent to depths of sorrow for his death adds a keener an- 
guish to our woe. It seemed so clear to faith that the supplications of a 
prayer-united people were being answered. Petitions were already 
merging into praise. We called the danger past. Then came the appall- 
ing change; the fluttering moment when hope fought with fear; the con- 
sciousness at length that men's skill was baffled; the article of death; 
the break of hearts. 

"But faith must not stagger. Our God could have saved that life 
for which we prayed. The event shows his good will not inoperative, 
but exercised other than as we asked. The surgeons guess at the physi- 
cal causes of the President's collapse. In the Infinite Mind there lies 
hidden a truer reason than the surgeons can discern. We dare not ask 
it of Him; we can only cover our faces and trust. We may only know 
that somewhere in the eternal expanse of His purposes there exists a 
good to be attained for which even this life given is not too great a price. 

"Perhaps through the flame of affliction God would lead the nation 
from its jaunty pride of prosperity' to soberness and introspection. Per- 
chance He would turn our ambitions from gain and glon'to uprightness. 
Doubtless He would summon us to a vehement clearing of ourselves 
from our national sins — from our disrespect of law, from our toler- 
ance of corruption, from our indulgence of oppression, and from our 
connivance at iniquity. His eyes may see in the mirror of the future 
this mightiest of peoples purified, ennobled, strengihened and exalted 
by sorrow. We see not; only in the darkness, as we hear His solemn 
voice calling, let us gird ourselves to follow. And God grant us to miss 
naught of the good which costs us so dear. 

"Yet amidst all our grief our consolation aboundeth in Christ. Thai 
scene of translation shone with light from above. By testimony of the 
Christlike words he spoke praying forgiveness upon his assassin; by tes- 
timony of the Lord's prayer on his lips as he awaited the surgical knife ; 
by testimony of his resignation in his last hours to the will of God; by 
testimony of that murmured 'Nearer, My God, To Thee,' on which his 
latest conscious breath was spent — as well as by testimony of his manner 
of life from his youth up — we know he died a Christian. Our sorrow is 
not despair. He has been robbed of nothing in departing from the high- 
est station on earth to be a citizen of the capital of God. He has in- 
herited the promises. And our prayers, lately for him, turn now to 



CHRISTIAX CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 397 

plead foi- the crushed widow, that underneath her the Everlasting Arms 
may be a tender and sufficient support — and for the new President, that 
his strength may be as his day." 

The Churchman of September 14th speaks of President McKinley as 
follows: 

"The stroke of the assassin has raised President McKinley from a 
man of the day to a man of history. He was last week only one of many 
Presidents on whom a various judgment was passed, seen in the light 
and comment of small acts rather than in their relation to the broad 
movement of history. A single shot — fired because he stood before his 
countrymen as the representative and symbol of liberty through law, of 
equality in opportunity, and of the organized work of civilization — has 
transformed a man, known as a politician and respected as a President, 
into the object of deep-seated loyalty and regard. Such changes in pub- 
lic feeling come only to few, to the men whom character, career, action 
or event render types of the spirit and purpose of their race. They come 
sometimes through an historic crisis, sometimes through supreme suc- 
cess in the conduct of national affairs, and sometimes, as in the present 
instance, because a sudden access of danger and a sudden revelation of 
a force inimical to the interests of all, concentrates attention upon the 
one man who stands for the forces friendly to all. 

"This momentous change alters not only the position of President 
McKinley before the world, but it has had a grave effect upon the inner 
and conscious working of the American mind. Each grave event in the 
English-speaking world — like the events of deeper moment in a single 
family which bring them together in grief or in joy — tend of themselves, 
and by sheer force and gravitation of social instinct and relation, to knit 
more closely the common tie and bond. This was true even of an event 
as inevitable and expected in the course of nature as the death of Queen 
Victoria. The assault on President McKinley ha.s done this, but it has 
done more. In a time of great prosperity, of an amazing accretion of 
riches, and, on the whole, of a more widely diffused happiness and enjoy- 
ment than the land has before seen, it has suddenly become necessary 
to face and to consider the circumstance that all this gradual uplift 
has left, opposed to the ordered march and movement of society, a small 
number of men scattered over the civilized world owning no community 
of interest, bitter with envy, full Of venom against all those who ad- 



398 CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McEINLEY. 

vance by thrift, by industry or by control of the general forces of society, 
who denounce the existing order and even conspire against the lives of 
those who rule the state; not because they rule ill, but because they 
stand as symbols of authority and of the public hatred of anarchy. 
Americans, supported by the extraordinary results of free discussion 
and free association in promoting social compromise and ameliorating 
social enmities, have trusted implicitly to universal liberty to get the 
better of this perverted spirit which in six years has cost the life of a 
President of France, an Empress of Austria, a King of Italy and a 
Prime Minister of Spain, to be silent of frustrated plots. 

"The assault at Buffalo makes it doubtful if it is still safe to trust 
to the general force of law and order to restrain these sectaries of crime. 
It is not an infringement of any social liberty to penalize utterances 
likely to promote or to encourage assassination and to treat as treason- 
able societies and meetings that encourage, though inexplicitly, the 
state of mind which in due season leads to the act itself. For such legis- 
lation there is now a general demand in the public press and in the atti- 
tude of public opinion. 

"Joined with the demand for new legislation is another change not 
less important. The rapid growth of wealth, the visibility of great for- 
tunes which obscure to many the growth of millions of lesser accumula- 
tions, has brought a habit among some good but short-sighted men, 
among many self-seeking demagogues, and not less among certain irre- 
sponsible and inflammatory newspapers, of treating all large property 
as necessarily the fruit of spoliation. There are many economists, there 
are some college professors, and there are, unfortunately, too many 
clergymen, who, in speech and in writing, habitually speak as if the 
burden of proof were against any successful accumulation, as if any 
man who had gathered millions had by that fact laid himself open to 
aspersion of corruption, of oppression of labor, of avarice and of despot- 
ism. This frame of mind is familiar. It is not held by the majority 
of any political party or the majority of its leaders. Official utterances, 
while sometimes open to criticism, have avoided its direct utterance, 
but everyone knows perfectly that there has, in some quarters, been a 
constant appeal to this infectious suspicion of the accumulation of 
wealth, or the signs of industrial and commercial success in the manage- 
ment of the greater agencies of material advance. 

"The shot at Buffalo has awakened the land to a consciousness that 




THOMAS PENNEY. 

DIstrlot Attorney ol Buffalo, who conducted the prosecution against Czolgosz. 




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CHRISTIAN CHARACTER OF McKINLEY. 401 

this envy and hatred is not impotent in its misreading of the industrial 
advance. This advance has not always been equitable. It often results 
in injustice and oppression, but in the main it is under control of the 
sounder forces of society. Thus in its origin this attemjjted assassina- 
tion differs from the crime of Booth or of Guiteau. This has nowhere 
been more judicially stated than by the Evening Post. 'The first assas- 
sin of a President,' it says, 'was largely the product of his times — a man 
whose head was turned by the passions bred of a long civil war. The 
second was essentially a crank — a man whose motives were a curious 
mixture of a desire to revenge the personal grievance of disappointed 
ofiQce-seeking, and of a morbid passion for notoriety. The third to at- 
tempt the crime is of a different type — a man who avows himself an 
anarchist, and who says that he tried to kill the President in order to 
overthrow our form of government. A John Wilkes Booth can hardly 
be guarded against. A Charleg J. Guiteau may not be identified before 
it is too late. But a Leon Czolgosz represents a class of active enemies 
of society, the treatment of whom society must seriously consider.' " 

23 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

RECOLLECTIONS OF THE THREE MARTYR PRESIDENTS. 

The Way the News Came of the Assassination of Lincoln, Garfield and McEinlej, Who 
Will Be Forever Known and Honored Because They Died by the Hands of Miscreants 
for the Cause of the Country— Pencilliugs by the Way of Lincoln, tiarfield and 
McKinley. 

There will be three names — we trust no more — that will be forever 
associated as our martyred Presidents. 

It seems to me, an old journalist, but a little while ago since I sat 
in the editor's rooms of the Cincinnati Commercial, impatient with the 
slow work going on to get out the paper. It was a night in April, and 
all day long the city rang with festivity. There had been an enor- 
mous procession, innumerable bands of music, horsemen in uniform 
with banners and streamers galore. The bands had devoted themselves 
to playing "Dixie" as among the national airs, the reason being that 
Lincoln, from a window of the White House, had claimed "Dixie" as 
one of the tunes that were ours-^and the people of Cincinnati were wild 
with it. 

We had managed to elevate to the fourth story of the office building, 
overlooking Fourth street, a monstrous calliope, from far away down 
the Mississippi, and to feed it with hot high steam straight from the 
boilers, and the Southern calliope seemed to make the earth vibrate. 
The building rocked to the roar of that awful instrument, that drowned 
out all the brass bands for half a mile around. There was a company 
of accomplished calliopians. They knew all the Southern airs, and 
when a performer grew fatigued he was relieved and another was 
ready, and the "Bonnie Blue Flag," the "Old Kentucky Home," and 
"Maryland, My Maryland," reverberated; and the very stones in lae 
streets seemed to crawl. It was the day of the celebration of the end 
of the war, for we had the news of the surrender of Lee at Appomattox. 

A telegTaph boy rushed into my room with a slip of flimsy telegraph 
paper in his hand, and looked scared and stammered with excitement. 
He said something about the President and Booth, the theatre and some 
one had been shot. I snatched the dispatch, placed it against a white 

402 



RECOLLECTION^ S OF THREE PRESIDENTS. 403 

sheet of paper and read the news. A night of hon-or followed. That 
day the houses had been resplendent with flags. The next day the city 
was draped in mourning. There had been an attempt to murder 
Seward. 

This was proof of conspiracy. The one word spoken that had cheer 
in it was General Garfield's phrase in a speech of five minutes in Wall 
street, New York: "God reigns and the government lives." It was 
nearly sixteen years later when, in New York City, July 2nd, 1881, cross- 
ing the New York City Hall lo! there were persons on the Tribune 
building putting a flag to float at half-mast— Garfield was shot and was 
believed to be dead. This was Saturday morning, and Thursday night 
I had been with the President, who had honored me with an invitation 
to go with him to Williams College, and I was to dine with him that 
night at the country seat on the Hudson of Cyrus W. Field. I had got 
acquainted with Field on a trip we had made in 1878 to Iceland. 
The dinner was to mean that Garfield was master of the situation — that 
of the Presidential oflice. 

On September 6th, 1901, I had been at historic North Bend, Ohio, 
and a few minutes before passed the tomb among the cedars of Presi- 
dent William Henry Harrison, when a woman ran out upon the village 
street and said a dispatch had just been on the wires that McKlnley 
had been shot at Buffalo that afternoon, and it was believed he was 
dead. 

It has often been, within my observation, that there is an inextin- 
guishable demand for personal recollections of Abraham Lincoln, also 
that there is a respectful abiding sympathy with Garfield, so much so 
that there is a welcome for all that is reasonably written or spoken 
about him. It seems sure to me that the time will not be far away 
when all reminiscences of ilcKinley will be as keenly sought as those 
of Abraham Lincoln have been for many years. 

I had a seat often in the Reporters' Galleries, and am one of the few 
who saw Congress in session in the old Hall, the Senate in the present 
Supreme Court room, and the House in the space devoted to statuary. 
My personal acquaintance with Congressmen was wide and grew as the 
years passed. 

One day an old member said to me in the lobby of the House that 
McKinley wanted a talk with me, and in a short time we were intro- 
duced. I knew about him that he had the reputation of being interest- 



404 RECOLLECTIONS OF THREE PRESIDENTS. 

ing, especially about the tariff, and at the time I'eferred to there was a 
disturbance about the wool protection, and if there was anything I 
knew less about than another in the line of tariff questions probably it 
was wool. Wool is always a big matter in Ohio. It is not a case of a 
great cry about a little wool, but of a great cry about a great deal of 
wool. In Ohio a change in the tariff easily makes a difference of a 
million dollars a year in a congressional district. It was the judgment 
of the forces that control the country that there must be a reduction of 
the revenue obtained through customs duties. There was a bill before 
the House that had passed the Senate. Sherman had supported it. He 
did not like the bill, but there had to be a law cutting down revenue. 
The outcry from the wool districts was that the protection had not been 
cut down at the right place. The amount of indignation afloat was to 
me funny. McKinley looked like an athlete, and spoke quickly to the 
point. What did I think he ought to do about that wool section in the 
Senate bill? He did not feel quite sure, and cared to consult an Ohio 
editor. I said: "Of course you know this bill must pass; it is going 
through; it is merely a question of what sacrifice of themselves Ohio 
Eepublicans in Congress are called on to make. I do not know what to 
say to you to do, but will tell you what I would do as the case stands. 
I would pass the vote; would be out; and see whether there is a majority 
for the bill as it stands. If you are sure of that — no, I mean 
if I was sure of that — I would vote against it; if there was danger of 
losing the bill, I would vote for it." The young member from the 
northeast smiled and even laughed a little. The bill that had to pass 
did pass, and mj recollection is that McKinley and several other Ohio 
men voted against it. 

It was a long time before I heard a speech from McKinley. He was 
a busy man in the House and I heard his voice there in the course of 
business. One summer night he was announced to speak in Cincinnati 
in one of those large modern wig-wams. McKinley was the attraction, 
and his first sentences were disappointing. He spoke so low that half 
the words were "not in it." I was not on the platform, but away out 
in the bulk of the audience, where one studying the case gets the 
good of what goes on. The voice of the orator seemed husky. Every- 
body called him "Mack," and I said to a neighbor who was evidently 
indulging in blessed anticipation: "Is that Mack's voice? This is a big 
place and he should pull out the throttle valve." 



RECOLLECTIONS OF THREE PRESIDENTS. 405 

"Wait a few seconds," said the neighbor; "he's hoarse — been speak- 
ing all through the state. There is no fear that anybody won't hear him 
and like him, too. There, he's getting his voice now, isn't he?" 

Well, he was! A sentence came our way, clear and full, and kept 
on, struck the far end of the wooden coliseum, and would have resulted 
in rebounding and echoing if another sentence had not followed it, and 
still another. "How's that?" said my neighbor. "You heard that, 
didn't you? Well you'll not complain of not hearing; and he talks 
sense too." 

The speech was formidable in the facts, and the arguments— the 
illustrations— and it was hammered down hard as nails. The crowd 
was very large and the young statesman spoke as if it was the last 
speech he ever expected to deliver, and that if there were any converts 
to be made then was the accepted time and there the appointed place. 
There was much in it of merit, but I have always held it in remem- 
brance, not so much for the words as for the ringing, searching, chal- 
lenging note of sincerity. It never occurred to anybody that McKinley 
did not mean exactly what he was saying. That was always one of 
his winning qualities. Our friends had supper when the meeting was 
over. It was a surprise to note "Mack" had hardly a sign of fatigue, 
yet he had spoken one hundred minutes at least. I mentioned that he 
really did make a protection speech interesting, and gave an anecdote 
about Thomas Corwin's account of a tariff speech he had heard a Whig 
candidate for Governor of Ohio make. Coi"n'in was the most famous 
orator of his time, and though a fascinating speaker, he was not inter- 
esting about the tariff, and no one knew it as well as he did. The ques- 
tion was asked Corwin whether he had "heard the next Governor on the 
tariff," and Corwin said he had, and said no more. "How was it?" 
was the next question. "It was powerful," said Corwin, and closed up 
again. "What was the matter with it?" "Nothing wrong about it," 
said Corwin; "only he seemed to believe what he said." 

A recollection of McKinley and one that has been forgotten except 
by the veterans was that he was for a time the leader of the Blaine 
men in Ohio. It was the regular stated thing in Ohio to be for Sher- 
man. But Blaine and McKinley met in riiiladelphia and fell in love 
with each other. It was a strong attachment. Sherman's strengtli was 
so great in his own state that it was a mark of independence for a Re- 
publican to be for anybody else. But the next Presidential campaign 



406 RECOLLECTIONS OF THREE PRESIDENTS. 

it did not seem likely Blaine could with all his talent and power break 
the precedent which seemed to be fixed, that he was not to be President 
because he was as brilliant as Henry Clay. Blaine seemed to have had 
his chance. Garfield had been nominated, elected and assassinated, and 
there was to be another rally for Sherman. Then McKinley was for Sher- 
man and was earnest, fearless and persuasive. He appeared in the Chi- 
cago national convention for Sherman and was one of the Big Four 
senatorial delegates. The other three were Governor Foster, Senator 
Foraker and Benjamin Butterworth, then one of the brightest orators 
in the nation. 

There was a feeling among some of Sherman's friends that Garfield 
should not have permitted himself to be nominated, this owing to his 
relations with Sherman, but it was certain if the fight came between 
Grant and Blaine or Grant and Sherman, Grant would be nominated 
for the third term, and to defeat that movement there must be another 
man who could combine the forces of Blaine and Sherman. 

There was an idea afioat four years later that another Ohio man 
not Sherman would be the candidate, and McKinley had the first call, 
but Foraker was a good second, in the Ohio mind, I mean. 

The Hon. Marcus A. Hanna was the manager of the Shei-man delega- 
tions on this occasion. He had then as now the reputation of being a 
man successful in business affairs, and at the same time exceedingly 
intelligent in political matters. It was believed if there was anything 
in good management the nomination would go to Sherman. There were 
quite a number of persons in the galleries and even on the floors who re- 
garded two gentlemen from Ohio — Governor Foraker and Kepresenta- 
tive McKinley — as decidedly Presidential possibilities, and the tend- 
ency of those who ventured upon theories as to the chances was to pick 
out McKinley as the winner. Foraker had a considerable number of pro- 
nounced friends, believers in his splendid faculties, which have given 
him so early in his career in the Senate a high reputation. They felt like 
losing no opportunity of pressing him to the front, and were not in- 
clined to be slow or diffident in proclaiming him for the Presidency. He 
was not able to restrain this enthusiasm within the bounds of pnidence; 
that is to say, those for him did not undertake to elude the rugged issue. 
Just as Governor Foraker was taking the platform to speak for Sher- 
man, which he did in good faith and with great force, he was followed 
there by an injudicious floral tribute, bearing the legend: "No captured 




RECOLLECTIONS OF THREE PRESIDENTS. 407 

flags shall go to the Confederacy from Ohio while i am governor." It 
was plain the governor was perplexed and displeased, and I have knowl- 
edge that he mentioned that only one thing prevented him from kicking 
that floral tribute from the platform, and that, his opinion that if he 
did so, he would be charged with a theatrical performance, and the 
accusation would be most aggravating. He threw aside his disgust and 
resentment, and made his speech, and in good form — nothing wanting 
in it; and it was said he had what somebody called a "halcyon and vocif- 
erous" time for that incident with some of his impetuous partisans. 

When the balloting came it was noticed that there were a few votes 
for McKinley, and there was applause when the name was mentioned. 
Evidently this had been studied by some experts, and they did for him 
what the same class of people had done for Garfleld. The annoyance 
of McKinley was evident, because there were indications of understand- 
ing and possibly organizations. That the name was familiar as that of 
one of high distinction in Ohio, and Ohio was a fortunate State for the 
production of Presidents, was clear. There was an adjournment, and 
McKinley was beset by numbers of advocates who were resolved upon 
putting temptation before him, and insisted that he must not refuse to 
allow them to go on, telling him they would go ahead anyhow without his 
approbation; they had not asked for it, and they would not permit him 
to deny them; that if he got up and undertook a speech against them 
t-hey could make it the occasion of a demonstration, and they would 
show him the strength they had. They went so far as to name delega- 
tions ready to go for him, and made it exceedingly serious. 

Some time during the evening I strolled into the Sherman headquar- 
ters. In one of the side rooms, lying on a low bed, was McKinley, very 
pale, resting and perhaps asleep, with an expression of intense gravity. 
I asked a friend who had been about during some hours while I had 
been absent from the center of interest: "What is the matter with Mac?" 
The reply was, with a grim smile: "He has just refused the Presidency, 
and the way it was run at him it was pretty hard to get away from. 
He has done it, though." Presently the possible nap he had taken being 
interrupted, he told me he wished a conversation with me, and evidently 
remembering our talk about the "wool vote" said : "I will not ask your 
advice. I have made up my mind. I'm only bothered about the 
form of it. I am going to take the floor and make a speech when the 
convention meet/ again, and the object of it is to put a stop absolutely 



408 RECOLLECTIONS OF THREE PRESIDENTS. 

upon the use of my name as a candidate for the Presidency. It is not 
fair to Sherman and it's not fair to me, and it won't do." I asked the ques- 
tion: "Are you not afraid of a public impulse if you get up and under- 
take to make a speech withdrawing?" He said: "No;" that he "would 
make a speech in such a way that there would be no danger." I men- 
tioned that I had seen John C. Breckenridge in the Cincinnati Conven- 
tion of '56 stand in his chair to decline the nomination which was 
pressed upon him for the Vice Presidency, and his appearance was so 
commanding and handsome that when he showed up they nominated 
him by storm, and he had to make his bow and sit down, the candidate, 
without saying a word. McKinley did not think that there was any 
danger of that in his case, though it meant there was. He said : "I want 
you to look over this," handing me three small slips of paper, upon 
which he had written with pencil what he thought of saying. I said: 
"Here is the only Word that will answer the purpose, if anything will. 
As for the rest, there is just a little too much of it. You have one word 
here that covers the whole subject on which everything depends." He 
said: "What is that? The word that I 'demand' that they stop voting 
for me?" I said: "Yes; 'demand' is the word. That's got everything in 
it; and it is my fancy it would be stronger perhaps without this sentence 
(pointing to one that was nearly a repetition); and he said: "Yes, you 
are right about that," and accepted the amendment. 

This is the speech as he gave it. He made a few betterments as he 
spoke: "I am here as one of the chosen representatives of my State. I am 
here by resolution of the Republican State Convention, commanding 
me to cast my vote for John Sherman for President and to use every 
worthy endeavor to secure his nomination. I accepted the trust because 
my heart and judgment were in accord with the letter and spirit and 
purpose of that resolution. It has pleased certain delegates to cast 
their votes for me for President. I am not insensible to the honor they 
would do me, but in the presence of the duty resting upon me I can not 
remain silent with honor. I can not consistently with the wish of the 
State whose credentials I bear and which has trusted me; I can not con- 
sistently with my own views of personal integrity consent, or seem to 
consent, to permit my name to be used as a candidate before this con- 
vention. I would not respect myself if I could find it in my heart to do 
or permit to be done that which could even be ground for anyone to sus- 
pect that I wavered in my loyalty to Ohio or my devotion to the chief 



RECOLLECTIONS OF THREE PRESIDENTS. 409 

of her choice or the chief of mine. I do not request — I demand — that no 
delegate who would not cast reflection upon me shall cast a ballot 
for me." 

The note of sincerity of which I have so often spoken as the charac- 
teristic that told in the speeches of McKinley served him on this occa- 
sion. That was in the first sound of his voice as he took the floor, and 
the stillness of the convention was profound. The word "demand'' as he 
made it settled it. He carried the point excellently. There have always 
been those who thought that he might have been nominated that time 
if he had consented to be still, but I doubt that. There is no telling. Gen- 
eral Benjamin Harrison was nominated and elected, and there was 
an era of prosperity in his administration, not high as that when Mc- 
Kinley's term came, but it was higher than any preceding wave of good 
times that rolled over the country. 

There was a second occasion on which there was an effort to bring- 
forward McKinley for the Presidency, and if it had not been for certain 
movements that were more persistent than thoughtful, and more de- 
termined than considerate, the nomination of McKinley might have 
happened when Harrison was renominated. It is vain to indulge in 
speculations, but the conduct of McKinley on that occasion made him 
friends, as indeed he always made friends, where there were no jeal- 
ousies and prejudices to raise a barrier. He was indebted for the 
position Jbefore the country that made his candidacy for the Presidency 
absolutely foremost and perfectly in order in every respect, invited, sup- 
ported on all sides, to the fact that he was legislated out of Congress 
by piling opposed counties in his district, and so he was twice elected 
governor — the second time by an enormous majority. This gave him a 
very distinguished position in his own State. He was an admirable gov- 
ernor, with a peculiar method of keeping order when mobs appeared. 
If there was occasion to send troops and he was advised that a single 
company of Ohio militia would be sufficient, his way was to order a 
regiment, because "if there was only one company there might be a 
fight, and if there was a regiment there would be a picnic." 

Mr. Hanna displayed organizing capacity. He had organized more 
than any other man the great American commerce on the Great Lakes, 
and when he attended to any line of business he did it vigihintly and 
formidably, and was in the habit of being successful. He had no idea 
of being a politician — none whatever — of securing an ofiice for himself. 



410 EEC0LLEGTI0N8 OF THREE PRESIDENTS. 

He refused positions in the Cabinet when McKinley was elected; did 
not ask to be chosen Senator; made a fight against an insurrection that 
was personal to himself — and Ohio has the advantage of two men of the 
highest order of ability in the Senate. They are equally mourners of the 
irreparable loss the country has sustained in the frightful tragedy that 
closed a career, that will be far in the future, when the deeds that 
were done are thoughtfully examined and measured, as of a splendor 
greater than has yet appeared. 

It is to be remarked of the conversations of President McKinley 
that they did not, as a rule, relate to himself. He was not disposed 
to introduce affairs of his own. If there was a direct and reasonable 
question asked concerning himself his answer would be explicit and 
brief. He did not direct the conversation along the paths that led up to 
himself. He was always thoughtful about some public question, and 
yet would throw off the strain of weighty affairs readily, and indulge 
in references to mutual friends. 

Above all things, he never seemed to miss an opportunity to do a 
kindly thing. He had the same solicitude that his wife had for the hap- 
piness of children, treating them with a tenderness that told the story 
of his own heart, doubtless; and he was like Mrs. McKinley in the re- 
spect that little girls could command him for a courtesy, and he was 
always pleased to be in their company. It gave him a great pleasure — 
it seemed to comfort him — to take a group of children about the White 
House. If he knew that they had never been in it he was as pleased to 
show them the East Room as the children themselves were to be es- 
corted by him. It was touching to know that Mr. and Mrs. McKinley 
were glad to see, and gratified to hear, the conversation, and notice the 
smiles and laughter, and the more serious moods of children who hap- 
pened to be about the age that their children might have been. 

In private conversation he was always a peacemaker. A lively 
young lady from England was the guest of a friend calling at the White 
House one summer's evening. The moon was shining, and the Wash- 
ington Monument very distinct as it stood above the trees like a shaft of 
snow. Against the sky it was like a pillar of soft white light. The 
young English lady got into conversation about the comparative archi- 
tecture of public buildings in England and in the United States, and 
stood up very cleverly for the English side of it, assuming, with some 
vivacity, that we had little to compare with them as to architectural 



RECOLLECTIONS OF THREE PRESIDENTS. 411 

effects. Possibly she had not been aware before this debate sprang up 
that there were two sides to the question. She was asked what she 
thought of the monument which was in sight, and she, lo! did not fancy 
it. This seemed a shade unnecessary. She said it "was very tall," and 
so were chimneys in her country! An American lady, who felt that this 
was almost speaking disrespectfully of the Washington Monument, 
asked her what she thought of the White House, and she rejoined, with 
some polite phrases, of bits of public buildings in England, not cele- 
brated for their beauty. The trend of the conversation was running into 
controversy. The President had been smoking his cigar and enjoying 
the unusual amount of information given by the contesting parties, 
when it seemed to occur to him it had really gone about far enough. He 
came forward, closing the debate with the statement that these questions 
of state, especially architectural, belonged to arbitration; that jj^ was not 
necessary the contesting parties should go to the depths of their knowl- 
edge about public monuments. It was a case for arbitrators, and he 
wanted the ladies to agree upon something of the sort. The English 
lady was quite in favor of it, and desired the President should arbi- 
trate the question, but his contention was that he might be prejudiced 
and that he could not venture, but he suggested that the Washington 
Monument be allowed to pose in the moonlight without the use of any 
language that expressed asperity; that he acknowledged the value of 
chimneys, but that the comparison of those lofty smokers was not en- 
tirely acceptable in an art lesson. The theme was not revived. The 
President's manner in coming forward and proposing that the question 
be arbitrated was what they call in England, in persons of authority, 
"gracious." Of course there was charming good humor, suggesting 
amusement in this conference as well as in his words. 

The President had a surjirisingly accurate memory. He was very 
good in the remembrance of faces, though not quite the expert that 
Blaine was, yet he seemed to know a gxeat deal about a great many 
people, and to know it exactly. He would ask questions indicating 
knowledge that astonished auditors. Once a politician said (rather con- 
gratulating himself upon it) that an opinion he expressed by telegraph 
one day, and addressed to the President, of an impending but precarious 
event, was the first that had been stated to that effect, and had for- 
gotten until the President asked the question : "Why did you retract 
a bit of it in a second telegram?" The President remembered what the 



412 RECOLLECTIONS OF THREE PRESIDENTS. 

telegrapher of a hit at advance information had forgotten; that he had 
a few hours later had a lapse in confidence, and had mentioned that, 
too, over the wire. The President's smile was genial, but had an admo- 
nition in it. 

All that has been stated of the President's attention to his wife, of 
his unvarying thoughtfulness in looking to her comfort and her pleas- 
ure, is beautifully true. There can be no way of overstating it. We may 
add that all the ladies of the family received from him ever affable at- 
tention; that it was perfectly natural to him to be interested in their 
occupations; that his mother was near to him as his wife, and he 
never forgot to inquire about her if she was a few minutes late. There 
was always a place for her in the carriage, and it was his habit to be 
honoring her; there were always words for her. He knew all the 
little thi^s that go so far to make up the pleasure, the peace and sweet- 
ness of domestic life. His faithfulness and fondness was ever present. 
It would appear that impatience with loved ones was impossible, and 
all his kindness was the expression of his feeling. No one would ever 
agree that he was or could be weary in caring for all in the family 
circle. It enhances the estimate that should be put upon his attentive- 
ness to wife and mother and sister and all; that he was a very constant 
workingman; that his duties were heavy, severe, sometimes ex- 
hausting; that his kindness of heart led him continually to be on his 
feet and to be with people, and to undertake to say "No" in such a 
way that it would not seem like a blow or a disaster to one who got it. 
Few men have been as gifted as he in saying "No" without offending, 
and his pleasure in saying "Yes" made the significance of the afiSrma- 
tion the more pleasing. 

One incident was recalled at Washington on the day of the arrival of 
the body of the President by U. L. Atchison, who for years was one of the 
officers of the White House. He says the night Vice President Hobart 
became ill at the White House and insisted on walking to his resi- 
dence in Lafayette Square, but a few steps from the White House, Presi- 
dent McKinley insisted on going home with him. He astonished Atchi- 
son by walking out into the night, arm in arm with Mr. Hobart, and 
wholly unattended. 

Atchison was impressed by the danger of the President and Vice- 
President being involved in a common calamity. The personal attach- 
ment between President McKinley and Vice President Hobart was 



RECOLLECTIONS OF THREE PRESIDENTS. 413 

something more than perfunctory; it was clever, hearty and mutual. 
The President was glad to have the Vice President with him on east- 
ward excursions, and always introduced the Vice President, and the 
handshaking on the platform until the train was under way caused 
many a scramble, so that there were remarks that there must be a cou- 
spiracy between the two highest officers of the Government in favor of 
the promotion of the Secretary of State. President McKinley did not 
study to produce effects by attitudes. He never posed, but for the pur- 
poses of photography took positions easy because natural. He was not 
picturesque in phrase, and when he became impressive there was noth- 
ing artificial. He dressed well; that is, becomingly. He was as serious 
about his frock coat, buttoned, his necktie, his badge of the Legion of 
Honor, sometimes replaced by a red carnation, as Daniel Webster was 
devoted to his blue coat, with cutaway tails and brass buttons. 

President McKinley never lost the walk of the soldier who carried 
a musket. He marched, not stiffly, but, when in haste, to take exercise, 
with the veteran's swing. His fine old gray horse, driven at Canton 
very often by himself, was a portly, good-natured, strong but safe gray 
that replied with a switching of his tail when touched by a whip lash. 
He was not struck hard enough to hurt, but evidently felt the touch 
of the lash an indignity. When he was first in the army there were 
one hundred and five men in his company, and eighty of them were 
taller than he, but he was every inch a soldier. It was said of him 
when as a young member of Congress, that he always spoke as though 
each speech was to be the last he would make. His earnestness was 
invincible. His sincerities were obvious and were expressed in evei-y 
movement and in all the tones of his voice. The intensity of his energy 
as he delivered the paragraphs that culminated in the peroration was 
so vehement that he was often cautioned that human nature could not 
endure such wear and tear, but he was never exhausted. His life was 
one of labor, and the amount of work he achieved was almost incredible. 

General Garfield had, before the war, and always, many friends in 
Cincinnati, and it was one of his early experiences to come down to 
that city and preach in the Christian Church on Walnut street. He 
did not regard his talk as preaching or his utterances as eloquent, or 
his public speaking as anything more than a serious presentation of 
the Word. It was said that he. acquired a good deal of facility in 
public speaking by his — I believe he called them — lectures in pulpits 
that aided him in his political discussions, and added to the force of 



414 RECOLLECTIONS OF THREE PRESIDENTS. 

his oratory. He was perfectly at home, and was a clear thinker when 
he was on his feet, and one might say that he was so conscious of force, 
that he was careful of his emphasis. 

Mr. Lincoln had relatives in Cincinnati, and was there several times 
before his memorable call to Washington, to fulfill the duties of the 
Presidency. He was engaged in a law-suit there associated with 
Edmond M. Stanton, afterward Secretary of War, and it was said to 
have been a bitter disappointment to Lincoln that he was not one of 
those who were selected to make an argument in the case. There were 
more lawyers engaged on his side than time could be found for them 
to argue the case. Lincoln had prepared for it, and felt almost 
despondent over the fact that he had been ruled out. Stanton, of 
course, was supposed to have been the strong man who had done this. 

Another occasion of Lincoln visiting the city was the speech he 
made in Cincinnati in the Fifth street market space, where now the post- 
offlce stands, and a most interesting speech it was, referring a great 
deal to Kentucky, stating that he never had the privilege of speaking 
in his native State, but loved it notwithstanding, and he pleased himself 
with the conjecture that his voice might almost be heard in the old 
State of his birthplace for it was very near, and at any rate he thought 
he might assume there were Kentuckians there to hear him, and he 
addressed himself to them largely. 

It turned out some time aftenvard there had been a neglect to pay 
his expenses by the committee, and the bill sent from the hotel to him at 
Springfield, 111. He forwarded the bill to a relative in the city and 
inquired about it, not that he proposed to dispute the bill at all, except- 
ing as to two items in it that he had no recollection of, as he quaintly 
stated. In fact, he had had nothing to do with the bottle of whisky 
or box of cigai-s. There was quite a flurry when this strange circum- 
stance brought out the fact that a few gentlemen who believed that 
Mr. Lincoln was intended for the Presidency, and probably a coming 
man, had concluded they would organize a little on the occasion of his 
visit and had hired a room and entertained the friends of Mr. Lincoln 
for the Presidency with a bottle of whisky and a good many cigars. 
There had been an odd and it turned out disagreeable neglect to talie 
care of the bill for the refreshments. Those who happened to be 
responsible for that mistake were likely the more vexed about it, 
because he was a candidate for the Presidency sure enough at the time 
the disturbance took place about the bill. M. H. 



CHAPTER XXV. ' 

SCENES, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 

lUustrative of the Life of President McKinley and Its Associations — When McKinley 
Challenged the A'ote of Ohio— A Picture Gallery of His Youth— His Conversion — 
Courtship — How He Was Attentive to His Wife — His Methodism— The Town in Which 
He Was a Boy— President McKinley's WiU. 

We have to go to the Bible or to Shakespeare to find the literature 
that embodies the tragic elements of such a dreadful deed as that of the 
wretched young anarchist who, in the ignorance and inherent depravity 
that made him a forlorn creature at the best, shot down the man who 
was doing the greater part in the work of the world, and doing it in all 
honor and beneficence and the goodness of a calm but mighty and 
fruitful life. How admirable is what Mark Antony said of Brutus, in 
its application to McKinley: 

" His life was gentle, and the elements 
So mixt in him that Nature might stand up 
And say to all the world : 

'This was a man!' " 

Or this tribute to Duncan? 

" He has borne his faculties so meek, hath been 
So clear In his great office, that his virtues 
■\Vill plead like angels, trumpet-tongued, against 
The deep damnation of his taking-oft'!'' 

Take the two passages together, and they tell it nearly all. 

As a scene in the life of McKinley note this: 

Some time before the Republican National Convention of 1892 was 
held McKinley had expressed himself as in favor of the renomina- 
tion of President Harrison. He was elected a delegate-at-large as 
a Harrison man, and the understanding was that Ohio would vote 
solidly for the President's renomination. 

The convention made McKinley its permanent chairman, and the 
speech he made at the time is viewed as one of the most masterly 

41S 



416 SCENES, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 

representations of the issues before the country ever pronounced. 
Again at that convention Major McKinley insisted on his name being 
withdrawn as a candidate and this, notwithstanding the fact that the 
delegation from his own State had, unlvuown to him, decided to cast 
its vote for him. When the vote of Ohio was announced, "Harrison, 2; 
McKinley, 44 votes," he sprang from his seat shouting, "I challenge the 
vote of Ohio!'' 

When Texas was reached on the roll call and the vote of that State 
announced. Chairman McKinley invited Elliott F. Shepard of New York 
to preside, and then took the- floor and moved that Benjamin Harrison 
be nominated for President of the United States by acclamation. Mr. 
Clarkson of Iowa seconded the motion. An objection, however, being- 
made that the roll-call was in progress, McKinley withdrew his motion, 
but when the roll-call was completed the motion was again put and the 
nomination was made unanimous. 

As an incident in the life of McKinley, take this: 

The second gubernatorial campaign (McKinley in Ohio) opened at a 
time when every State and Territory in the Union was suffering from 
the effects of a panic. The Republicans met in State convention at 
Columbus on June 7, 1893, and renominated McKinley for Governor 
by acclamation. His Democratic opponent was L. T. Neal, but he 
defeated him by the phenomenal plurality of 80,995, on the largest vote 
that had ever been cast in Ohio up to that time. 

Two observations are to be made by way of annotation. There 
were many Eepublicans in Ohio, and not a few of them were men of in- 
fluence, who had often appeared in representative characters, h-^ld 
fast to^ the opinion that McKinley was far away ahead of the people 
in his protectionist views, and that if he was not ru4ed off the track 
he would cause a crushing defeat of his party. His tremendous major- 
ity presented him to the country as the next President, and he was 
so introduced whenever he addressed the people, until his friends had 
the happiness to call him the President of the United States. 

There was a serious movement to make McKinley believe it was his 
duty to stand for a third term, but he ended that as he "demanded" in 
the Chicago Convention that nominated Harrison that his friends 
should not vote for him. 

An interesting incident occurred the last Sunday Mr. McKinley 
spent in Canton before going to Washington to be inaugurated Presi- 



SCENES, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 417 

dent. He requested his pastor some days in advance to preach, on that 
Sunday, as he did not wish to have a sti'anger indulge in words of 
eulogy of him. He said: "I want my own pastor to preach the last 
Sunday before I go to Washington." Once he said: '"If you or anyone 
else should begin to gush over me, I would get up and leave the church." 
The hymn sung on that occasion was No. G02 in the Methodist hymn- 
book: 

" It may not be our lot to wield 
The sickle in the ripened field; 
Nor ours to hear, on summer eves, 
The reaper's song among the sheaves. 

" Yet where our duty's task is wrought 
In unison with God's great thought, 
The near and future blend in one, 
A.nd whatsoe'er is willed, is done. 

" And ours the grateful service whence 
Comes, day by day, the recompense; 
The hope, the trust, the purpose stayed. 
The fountain, and the noonday shade. 

" And were this life the utmost span. 
The only end and aim of man. 
Better the toil of fields like these 
Than waking dream and slothful ease." 

Mr. McKinley was so pleased with the sentiment of the hymn that 
the next day he asked the board of trustees, as a special favor, to give 
him the copy of the book from which he sang the day before, saying that 
he had marked that hymn and that he would like to have that par- 
ticular book. 

When the speeches and addresses of William McKinley are, as they 
soon will be, edited and arranged, in perhaps as many as ten volumes — 
the number in the edition of Lincoln's works prepared by Hay and 
Nicolay — it will be effectually made known that he touched an extraor- 
dinary range of subjects, and adorned all he touched. In a speech before 
the Marquette Club of Chicago in 1896 McKinley told the secret of 
Lincoln's undoubted great power and he more than once spoke similarly 
of the wisdom of standing with the people and of thinking with them 
and thus holding their confidence. He said: 

24 



4i8 SCENES, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 

"In all Lincoln did he invited, rather than evaded, examination and 
criticism. He submitted his plans and purposes, as far as practicable, 
to public consideration with perfect frankness and sincerity. There 
was such homely simplicitj^ in his character that it could not be hedged 
in by pomp of place nor the ceremonials of high official station. He 
was so accessible to the public that he seemed to take the whole people 
into his confidence. 

"Here, perhaps, was one secret of his power. The people never lost 
confidence in him, however much they unconsciously added to his per- 
sonal discomfort and trials." 

HOW McKINLEY ENLISTED. 

One of the most interesting incidents of the life of McKinley was 
that of his enlistment in the army. 

There is an old tavern in Poland, Ohio, known as the Sparrow 
House, which was built in 1804. The rafters are tumbling down now 
and time has almost completed its destruction. But in June, 1861, the 
old place was one of common resort for the villagers and most of the 
town meetings were held there. Lincoln, at that time, had just issued 
his call for troops and Poland was to send a company to the front. 
A meeting had been called to be held in the Sparrow House. The place 
was packed. McKinley had come from his school to hear the speeches. 
When one speaker said, pointing to an American flag which had been 
displayed: "Our country's flag has been shot at. And for what? That 
this free government may keep a race in the bondage of slavery. Who 
will be the first to defend it?" McKinley stepped forward and with 
him the first young men of Poland. He and they enlisted. They 
became Company E of the Twenty-third Ohio, one of the foremost regi- 
ments sent by that State to do battle with the Confederacy. The 
company marched from Poland to Youngstown and at Camp Chase, 
Columbus, joined its regiment and entered on actual service. 

Here was a most promising leadership. There is the flag — was the 
appeal — who will fight for it? And William McKinley was the first boy 
to step to the front. 

McKINLEY'S COURTSHIP. 

Mrs. McKinley was the first child of James and Mary Saxton of Can- 
ton. As a child and young woman she was vivacious and had friends 
among all classes. She had then the happy faculty of becoming en- 



BCENE8, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 419 

cleared to those who knew her — a trait which is hers still. Her educa- 
tion was obtained in the public schools of Canton, at a school in Cleve- 
land, and later at Brook Hall Seminary, Media, Pa., then under the 
charge of Miss Eastman, who was a well-known educator of that time. 
Here Mrs. McKinley, then Ida Saxton, spent three years. After this she 
spent six months with a party of friends visiting points of interest in 
Europe. 

When she returned to Canton, a young woman, handsome and re- 
fined, a career of belleship was open to her. She added to her charm- 
ing manners a dash of coquetry, just enough to make the young men 
eager to be a friend of the worthy young woman. 

Her father was a man of staid character and pronounced opinions. 
He was then a banker and he concluded to give his daughter such a 
training as would fit her to cope with all the duties of woman, new or 
old. Accordingly Miss Ida was installed as assistant in the bank, and 
there is a common saying there that her fair face attracted bouquets 
and bank-notes to the window. "She must be trained," said her father, 
"to buy her own bread if necessary, and not to sell herself to matri- 
mony." 

Mr. Saxton had married happily and he jealously guarded his daugh- 
ter. His placing her in the bank was a master-stroke. She was having 
business to think about and was fitting herself for the trials of life and 
adversity if they should come. 

Of suitors Miss Ida Saxton had many. There were among them 
the best in point of position and wealth the country knew. When Miss 
Saxton returned from her foreign tour Major McKinley was fairly 
started in his legal career. His honest face and manly bearing van- 
quished all rivals, removed the young woman from the cashier's window 
and won from honest James Saxton these words when the hand of his 
daughter was gained: 

"You are the only man I have ever known to whom I would entrust 
my daughter." 

THE PRESIDENT'S TITLE. 

Just after the election which made Jlr. McKinley President-elect 
an old man, one of the oldest friends of the McKinleys, called at the 
Canton home. 



420 SCENES, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 

"Why, liow do you do, Uncle John?" cordially exclaimed the Presi- 
dent-elect to the farmer. 

The farmer's face flushed as he replied: "Neighbor, 'tain't all right to 
call you neighbor any more and I want to know just how to speak to 
you. You used to be just Major McKinley and then you was Lawyer 
McKinley, and then after a bit you was Congressman McKinley, and 
then you got to be Governor McKinley. Now you are elected President 
McKinlev, but you ain't President yet." 

The President-elect laughed heartily at the perplexity of his con- 
stituent and answered : 

"John, I won't have a friend of mine, such as you are, address me by 
any prouier title than that of major. That rank belongs to me. I am 
not governor any more and I am not President yet. So you just call 
me plain major, which I like to be to all my friends." 

"WILLIAM AT WASHINGTON' AND HIS MOTHER. 

During the entire term of his governorship of Ohio be sent a letter, 
no matter how brief, to his mother every day. Sometimes, when under 
some tremendous pressure of work, the daily message would take the 
form of a telegxam, but this resort he avoided as much as possible. At 
one time, during a serious disturbance in Ohio, when the troops had 
been called out to prevent an anticipated lynching, Governor McKinley 
for a period of ten days scarcely slept. Yet every night, the very last 
thing before he allowed himself to snatch the briefest rest, he wrote a 
little note to his mother, knowing her gTeat anxiety. 

AVhen, after the inauguration of her son as President, Mother Mc- 
Kinley returned to Canton, the daily letters were resumed. Every day 
there came to the Canton post-office the little White House envelope 
bearing some tender message from her "William at Washington" to his 
mother. "William at Washington" was always the way that she re- 
ferred to her President-son. 

THE PRESIDENT PROVES HIS METHODISM. 

President McKinley always showed the highest degree of generosity 
toward his political opponents. While governor of Ohio he was about to 
appoint to an exalted and lucrative office a man who for many years had 
been his ardent supporter, but who had deserted him and gone over to the 



SCENES, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 421 

enemy at a critical period. Later, when that critical period bad passed, 
the deserter slipped back into his party and remained unnoticed until 
he became a candidate for office. Many of Governor McKiuley's loyal 
friends earnestly protested against his appointment. They argued that 
the man had been a traitor when he was most needed and that he was 
not entitled to consideration. 

The governor's face lighted up with a smile and he remarked: "Gen- 
tlemen, you seem to forget that I am a Methodist and believe in the doc- 
trine of falling from grace." 

PRESIDENT McKINLEY'S WILL. 
President McKinley's will is as follows: 

Executive Mansion, Washington. 

I publish the following as my latest will and testament, hereby re- 
voking all former wills: 

To my beloved wife, Ida S. McKinley, I bequeath all of my real es- 
tate, wherever situated, and the income of any personal property of 
which I may be possessed at death, during her natural life. I make the 
following charge upon all my property, both real and personal: To pay 
my mother during her life one thousand dollars a year, and at her death 
said sum to be paid to my sister, Helen McKinley. 

If the income from property be insufficient to keep my wife in great 
comfort and pay the annuity above provided, then I direct that such of 
my property be sold so as to make a sum adequate for both purposes. 

Whatever property remains at the death of my wife I give to my 
brothers and sisters, share and share alike. 

]My chief concern is that my wife from my estate shall have all she 
requires for her comfort and pleasure, and that my mother shall be pro- 
vided with whatever money she requires to make her old age comfort- 
able and happy. 

Witness my hand and seal this 22d day of October, 1897, to my last 
will and testament, made at the City of Washington, District of Co- 
lumbia. William McKinley. 

The foregoing will was witnessed by us this 22d i]aj of October, 1897, 
at the request of the testator, and his name signed thereto in our pres- 
ence and our signature hereto in his presence. G. B. Cortelyou, 
/ Charles Loeffler. 



422 SCENES, lAWIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 

There is an estimate probably not far from the truth that the late 
President's estate amounts to about |250,000. Mrs. McKinley's prop- 
erty inherited from her father was held to be worth near $100,000, and 
there is |67,000 life insurance. 

FOUE HUNDRED MILES OF MOUENERS. 

The funeral train left Buffalo at 8:30 Monday morning. It traveled 
over a route 420 miles in length amid the tolling of bells and through 
endless lanes of mourning people that at every town, village and ham- 
let lined the track far out into the fields. At many cities and towns 
school children and young women had strewn flowers on the track, hid- 
ing the rails, and the engine wheels cut their way through the fragrant 
masses of blooms spread out to show the love felt for the dead Presi- 
dent. The whole country seemed to have assembled its population at 
the sides of the track over which the funeral train passed. Work was 
suspended in field and mine and city. The schools were dismissed. 
Everywhere appeared the trappings and tokens of woe. 

THE CONVERSION OF McKINLEY. 

We have for this the authority of the Methodist Christian Advocate: 
William McKinley is the only President of the United States who 
was a life-long Methodist. He inherited his Methodism from his father 
and mother and united with the church in boyhood. He grew up in the 
Sunday-school, and when about fourteen years oldj while living in 
Poland, Ohio, he was converted and joined the Methodist Church during 
a series of protracted meetings. The pastor who received him. Rev. 
A. D. Morton, said that during this revival McKinley was an attentive, 
thoughtful listener. One evening, at a meeting of young people, the boy 
stood up and calmly said: "I have not done my duty; I have sinned; I 
want to be a Christian ; I believe religion to be the best thing in all the 
world. I give myself to the Savior who has done so much for me." A 
few evenings afterward he said : "I have found the pearl of great price. 
I love God." 

Young McKinley began at once to study the doctrines sf the Bible 
and was soon afterward received into the church. Religion was to him 
a serious matter, and his regard for the consistency of his religious char- 
acter, even in boyhood, is illustrated in his remark, when asked to hitch 



SCENES, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 425 

up a horse and buggy for a member of the family to attend a party, that 
he thought it was not exactly right to ask a Methodist to assist a person 
to go to a dance. 

After his return from the war young McKinley located in Canton 
and began the study of law. It is said that his mother desired him 
to be a minister, and expressed the opinion that, if he had done so, he 
might have become a Methodist bishop. The family, however, united in 
assisting him to carry out his purpose to become a lawyer. 

He was active in church work in Canton, where he began to practice 
law, and was superintendent of the Methodist Sunday-school at the 
time of his marriage to Miss Ida Saxton, who was hei*self a teacher 
at that time in the Presbyterian Sunday-school. He was consistent 
and uniform in his religious life and regulai'ly attended church, whether 
at his home in Canton or in Washington. 

Without making any display of his religion, he always impressed 
his associates in public life with his Christian character, his associates 
in Congress being often attracted by his humming Methodist tunes. The 
exigencies of public life often made severe drafts upon his time, but 
very rarely did he allow anything to interfere with his attendance at re- 
ligious service at least once on Sunday. 

Even during the most exciting period of the recent war he missed the 
Sunday service only two or three times, on which occasions he was de- 
tained by special meetings of the Cabinet. 

HIS TRIBUTE TO PRESIDENT GARFIELD. 

Mr. McKinley was enabled to pay a beautiful tribute to his great 
friend. President James A. Garfield, in an address accepting the statue 
of the martyr President presented by the State of Ohio in the House of 
Representatives on July 19, 1886: 

"He was brave and sagacious. He filled every post with intelligence 
and fidelity and directed the movement of troops with judgment and 
skill. Distinguished as was his militai-y career, which in itself would 
have given him a proud place in history, his most enduring fame, his 
hichest renown, was earned in this House as a representative of the 
people. Here his marvelous qualities were brought into full activity; 
here he grew with gradual but ever increasing strength; here he won 
his richest laurels ; here was the scene and center of his greatest glory. 
Here he was a leader and master, not by combination or scheming, uot 



424 SCENES, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 

by chicane or caucus, but by the force of his cultivated mind, his keen 
and far-seeing judgment, his unanswerable logic, his strength and 
power of speech, his thorough comprehension of the subjects of legisla- 
tion. Always strong, he was strongest on his feet addressing the House, 
or from the rostrum the assembled people. He was always just to his 
adversary, an open and manly opponent and free from invective. He 
convinced the judgment with his searching logic, while he swayed his 
listeners with brilliant periods and glowing eloquence. He was always 
an educator of the people. His thoughts were fresh, vigorous and in- 
striictive. 

"Another place of great honor we fill to-day. Nobly and worthily is 
it filled. Garfield has joined Wiuthrop and Adams and the other illus- 
trious ones as 'the elect of the States,' peopling yonder venerable and 
beautiful hall. He receives his high credentials from the hands of the 
State which has withheld from him none of her honors, and history will 
ratify the choice. We add another to the immortal membership. An- 
other enters 'the sacred circle.' In silent eloquence from the 'American 
Pantheon' another speaks, whose life-work, with its treasures of wis- 
dom, its w^ealth of achievement and its priceless memories will remain 
to us and our descendants a precious legacy forever and forever." 

THE STRUGGLE FOR AN EDUCATION. 

Young McKinley grew to manhood in the village of Poland, Ohio, 
a town which possessed a seminary for boys and girls of the type of the 
New England academy. To Poland Seminary came ambitious young 
men and young women from the neighboring farms, eager for the book- 
learning of the schools and believing that its. possession would open 
broad highways to success in life. Some engaged rooms and board at 
the rate of |2.00 a week, and others reduced this very modest cost of 
living by taking rooms alone and eating the victuals sent in to them 
weekly by their parents. None of these bright young people felt that 
they were poor. They were all accustomed to the close economies of 
the farm life of that period, and were not in the least ashamed of them. 
The richest man in Poland at that time was not worth ten thousand 
dollars. A man with five thousand dollars' worth of property and no 
debts was thought to be well off. Mrs. McKinley helped out the narrow 
income of the family by taking boarders and herself did the cooking, 
with the help of her girls. Young McKinley was an ardent student. It 



SCENES, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 425 

was his mother's ambition as well as his own that he should go through 
college and then study law, but whether this aim could be accomplished 
was always rather doubtful. The father was frugal, industrious and 
self-denying, but he had a large family to provide for and his earnings 
were small. William did what he could to help out the family income 
by one sort of work or another in vacation times. At one time it was 
almost decided that the plan for his education must be abandoned, but 
his elder sister, Annie, came to the rescue with the money she had saved 
as a school teacher. 

INCIDENTS OF McKINLEY'S TENDERNESS TO HIS WIFE. 

At all dinners, even the most formal state affairs, the regulation 
etiquette was set aside and Mrs. McKinley always sat, not opposite to 
him at the other end or side of the table, as official custom demanded, 
but at the President's side, so that he might be close to her. This rule 
was never departed from and the deviation from the usual custom was 
accepted by everybody. When Mrs. McKinley was upstairs in the White 
House and not feeling very well, it was not unusual for the President 
to excuse himself from some conference, or to callers, and run quickly 
up-stairs to spend a moment with his wife. He had been known to do 
this as often as twelve times a day. His tender care of her when travel- 
ing won for him the deepest reverence and admiration of all who hap- 
pened to be near the devoted husband and wife. When affairs of state 
were urgent the President invariably shielded his wife from the unfa- 
vorable side, always presenting to her the most cheerful and brightest 
view of any question at issue. Again and again during the tenancy of 
the White House the President himself, in addition to all his other du- 
ties, directed, so far as he could, the domestic machinery of the Execu- 
tive Mansion in order to save his wife from the worry of household cares. 

MEETING A CRISIS ON THE BATTLEFIELD. 

It was at the battle of Opequan, fought near Winchester, Va., Sep- 
tember 19, 1864. Captain McKinley was acting as an aide-de-camp on 
the staff of General Sheridan, and General Deval was commanding the 
second division. General Crook sent McKinley Avith a verbal order to 
General Deval, commanding him to move quickly by a certain road and 
take his position on the right of the Sixth Corps. In going to General 



426 SCEWES, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 

Deval McKinley took this road, through a ravine, and found it almost 
blockaded with broken wagons, dead horses and fallen trees. It was 
with difficulty that he could get through, and, when he reached Deval 
and delivered his order as given him, he added: "But, General, I have 
come over that road and it is so obstructed that an army could not move 
that way quickly enough to be of any service. There is another route 
by which I am sure you could reach the place assigned to you and I sug- 
gest that you take that one." 

General Deval was a trained soldier and felt the responsibility of his 
position too much to disobey an order from his superior oflEicer, even in 
the letter, but he saw the force of McKinley's suggestion. He hesitated 
as to what he should do and then said: "Captain, I must obey General 
Crook's order to the letter. What road did he say I should take?" 

It was the captain's time to hesitate. He saw that General Deval's 
idea of military discipline would compel him to follow the order to the 
letter, and he knew, from his own experience, that an army could not 
move along that route and reach his position in time to be of service. 
He answered: "General Deval, General Crook commands you to move 
your division along this road (mentioning the one he had suggested) and 
take up your position on the right of the Sixth Corps." General Deval 
accepted the order, and, moving his command as directed, was able to 
reach his new position in time to be of great service in driving the en- 
emy from their fortified position and saving the Union troops from 
defeat. 

When Captain McKinley reported to General Crook what he had 
done, the general looked at him in amazement as he asked: "Did you 
fully understand the risk you took in changing the order you weue in- 
trusted to deliver to General Deval?" 

"I did," was the captain's reply. 

"Did you know that you were liable to be court-martialed and dis- 
missed from the service, and, had it led to disaster, shot as a traitor?" 

"I did, General, but I was willing to take that risk to save the 
battle." 

General Crook looked the young captain in the eyes for a minute and 
saw that he was dealing with a man who had the courage to put aside 
technicalities and do his duty as judgment and conscience and absolute 
personal knowledge of the situation dictated, without regard to the con- 
sequences, and he said: 



8CENE8, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 427 

"Captain, you have saved the battle, and you are a brave man; but 
I would advise you not to take such risks again, as, in case of failure, 
even of the officer who received the command, to do his duty in the light 
of your knowledge, the blame would rest upon you alone." 

It may not be generally known that President McKinley owned a 
farm, but such was the case, and it was a well-kept farm, too. Two miles 
from Minerva, Ohio, and one mile from Bayard, it stands on a sloping 
parcel of ground surmounted by the orchards of apples. The Cleveland 
& Pittsburg Railroad crosses the farm and the Big Sandy Canal courses 
through the field at one side of the main road. 

Along a lane to a point two-thirds of the way up the slope are the 
farm buildings. To the right, the first one is the sheep barn. This two- 
story structure was originally a church, attended by the folks of that 
rural vicinity who worshiped on the Sabbath. Twenty-five years ago, 
when it ceased to be used for church purposes, it was moved from the 
corner of the farm next the main road to its present site. When it stood 
on the corner it was just in front of the old cemetery known as the Plain's 
Cemetery, which is still there. 

McKinley's farm is a profitable one. In any season when crops are 
good it yields richly. This last year's potato crop will aggregate nearly 
two thousand bushels. The corn fields have been known to produce as 
high as 3,500 bushels in one year. Last year the hay crop amounted to 
one hundred tons. The oats crop this year aggregates seven hundred 
bushels. 

September is apple butter making time in northwestern Ohio. Many 
of the apples on McKinley's farm are made into apple butter. The large 
orchard is an important part of the farm. One year 1,700 bushels of 
Baldwins were gathered and as many more of other kinds, making a total 
yield of nearly 3,500 bushels. Part of the produce of the farm has been 
shipped to Canton from time to time, but none has ever been sent to 
Washington. 

Selling milk is another of the industries of the farm. There are about 
twenty-five head of cattle and nine milch cows. Some of them are blooded 
stock. Raising calves is also an occupation. Ten fine horses are con- 
stantly employed. Two hundred sheep graze on the hills and meadows. 
One season one hundred and sereuty-five sheep were sold from this place. 
While speaking of animals, the two dogs must not be forgotten. One, 



fe 



428 SCENES, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 

bearing the name of "Shep," bas been on the place for years. The other, 
which is a yellow one, came there as a stray not long ago, and has found 
a good home. The chickens ai-e numbered by hundreds. 

The man who has charge of the McKinley farm is W. J. Adams, who 
was reared in Pennsylvania. He is a farmer who understands his busi- 
ness, and it is said that there is not a more prosperous farm in all that 
section. Mr. Adams' family consif=its of his Avife, two boys and two girls. 
One hired man is kept the j-ear arouud, and two are employed during the 
busy season of the year. Mr. Adams works the farm on shares. The 
fences are all kept up, and there is an appearance of neatness which 
marks his work. 

The residence is a two-story structure built sixty years ago by a man 
named Hostetter, who was interested in the Big Sandy Canal, and had 
it succeeded he would have fiuished and occupied the house. But the 
railroad came through, and the first boat that was sent down the canal 
got caught in the tunnel, not very far distant, and it was imppssible to 
get it out. This was the only boat which ever made a trip on the Big 
Sandy Canal. Mr. Hostetter was never able to complete the house, so to 
this day a number of the rooms have not been finished off. This house 
is now getting old in appearance. It contains eleven rooms. The porch 
is about the size of McKinley's famous front porch at Canton, and then 
on to the upright part there is a wing which is a story and a half high. 
The lawn is well kept, and flowers grow along the fences at one side. 

Besides the residence, there are six buildings on the farm. There is 
the main barn, the sheep barn, two large wagon sheds, weighing house 
and pig pen. One of the sheds shelters an immense wagon which one 
time made a memorable trip. It was after the first election of McKinley 
to the presidency. Six teams of horses were hitched to the vehicle and 
the farmers round about gathered to the number of forty and drove to 
Mr. McKinley's Canton home, to join in congratulating him. 

President McKinley was an adept in the art of shaking hands. A 
man who stood and watched him for a while thus describes the manner 
in which the Chief Executive shook hands with people and T)leased them 
greatly in consequence: 

"There is something grimly humorous in watching a man shake hands 
with a multitude at the rate of fifty a minute. Up and down the arm 
and hand go, like a pump handle or the rhythmic beat of a piston. I 



BCENE8, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 429 

watched the President at Memorial Hall last Tuesday afternoon when 
he greeted five thousand citizens, and I confess I was amazed. My first 
feeling was one of amusement. To hear the President mumble constantly, 
"Glad to see you." "Pleased to see you," in the same monotone, to watch 
the shake, the mechanical motion of the arm, the sudden jerk with which 
he half pulled— yanked it was, truly— the person just greeted, and the 
astonished, semi-stupefied look on the shaked one's face — all this and 
more was inimitably funny. 

"But soon the feeling of amusement gave way to one of wonder, and 
then of compassion that a Chief Executive should have to submit to such 
an ordeal, and finally to unbounded admiration and amazement at the 
extraordinary vitality shown by the President. 

"The McKinley grip deserves special description ; it is unique in its 
line. It allures the caller, holds him an instant, and then quietly and 
deliberately 'shakes' him. Mr. :McKinley is not a tall man by any 
means; indeed he is, if anything, considerably below what I should 
consider the medium height— five feet ten. Consequently his 'shake' is 
considerably lower than a handshake you get from the average-sized man. 
The hand goes out straight for you, there is a good warm pressure of the 
palm, a quick drop, a jerk forward and the thing is over. There is some- 
thing besides the extended outstretched palm to allure you, and that is 
Mr. McKinley's beaming countenance. 

"When greeting the public he never ceases to smile. It is not a forced 
smile; it invites you forward and compels your own smile in spite of 
yourself. It is so genuinely honest, too, that one can not but conclude 
that, onerous as these receptions must be to the President's physique, he 
nevertheless enjoys them thoroughly. Long before the reception was 
over the President showed unmistakable signs of fatigue ; his jaw began 
to droop and blackish rings formed under his eyes, but the smile— beam- 
ing, inviting— remained, and it lasted as long as there was one citizen to 

greet. 

"Such occasions are the best in which to study the real traits of a man. 
If there is anything better qualified to produce irritability than a public 
reception witii a lightning handshaking on the side, I do not think it has 
been discovered. I am frank to confess that Mr. McKinley showed traits 
during that ordeal that were both admirable and lovable. He was par- 
ticularly kind to the veterans. His heart went with his hand to them. 



430 ^CENE8, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 

Several of them, dazed and bewildered, no doubt, would have passed him 
by unheeded in their excitement. 

"His arm halted them, his hand sought theirs, and he never failed to 
say '^comrade' to them. To the ladies he was gracious, especially so to the 
feeble, older ones, and to the tots, the toddlers and the growing young 
Americans he was like a father. I saw him detain a mother who was 
carrying a tiny mite on her arm. Mr. McKinley fussed with the muslins 
and the woolens of the mite until he found its chubby little hand, which 
he pressed tenderly. That mother did not say a word, but tears of joy 
glistened in her e^es as she passed beyond. 

"I'll venture that nobody went away from that reception, feeling 
offended. McKinley's grip is a manly gTip; it is a handshake given 
with genuine pleasure. It is the grip of a man of flesh and blood and 
of a sympathetic soul." 

During the late Western trip, Mrs. McKinley was busy with her far jy 
work, her crocheted slippers^ and even while she turned to bow from her 
car to the assembled crowd she would occasionally toy with the wool or 
take a random stitch. When asked about her slippers, she said : 

"Why* what am I to do I I must be doing something. I can't bear 
to be idle, and this is pleasant work which I enjoy. Would you believe 
it? I have kept count, and I find that I have made no less than four 
thousand pairs of slippers. At one time my bill for soles was very large, 
but they don't cost me anything, since the vice-president is in the shoe 
business; he supplies me with soles for nothing. I keep him in bedroom 
slippers, and as he is now sick they come in nicely for him. I have no 
difficulty in disposing of all the slippers I can make. I give them to 
hospitals and other charities." 

Had not politics early attracted President McKinley, he would with- 
out doubt have attained eminence as a lawyer. His pursuit of the law 
was marked with the same fidelity that characterized his every under- 
taking, and at the bar he won not only success, but popularity as well. An 
incident in his career as a lawyer is related as follows: 

"One of his cases long remembered was when he was pitted against 
John McSweeney, then considered one of the most brilliant lawyers of 
the Ohio bar. The case was a suit for damages for malpractice, the plain- 
tiff charging that a surgeon had set his broken leg in such a way as to 



SCENES, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. Ui 

make him bow-legged on that side. McKinley defended the surgeon. 
McSweeney brought his client into court and had the injured limb 
exposed to the view of the jury. It was very crooked, and the case looked 
bad for the surgeon. McKinley had both his eyes wide open, however, 
and fixed them to good purpose on the man's other leg. As soon as the 
witness was turned over to him, he asked that the other leg should also be 
bared. The plaintiff and McSweeney vigorously objected, but the judge 
ordered it done. Then it appeared that his second leg was still more 
crooked than that which the surgeon had set. 

" 'My client seems to have done better by this man than nature itself 
did,' said McKinley, 'and I move that the suit be dismissed with a recom- 
mendation to the plaintiff that he have the other leg broken and then set 
by the surgeon who set the first one.' " 

One of the most tender tributes ever paid to the memory of Abraham 
Lincoln was contained in the address of Mr. McKinley before the Uncon- 
ditional Republican Club at Albany, N. Y., on February 12th (Lincoln's 
birthday), 1895. In the course of his remarks he said: 

"A noble manhood, nobly consecrated to man, never dies. The 
martyr of liberty, the emancipator of a race, the savior of the only free 
government among men, may be buried from human sight, but his deeds 
will live in human gratitude forever. 

"The story of his simple life is the story of the plain, honest, manly 
citizen, true patriot and profound statesman who, believing with all the 
strength of his mighty soul in the institutions of his country, won, because 
of them, the highest place in its Government — then fell a sacrifice to the 
Union he held so dear, and which Providence spared his life long enough 
to save. 

"We meet to do honor to one whose achievements have heightened 
human a.spirations and broadened the field of opportunity to the races 
of men. While the party with which we stand, and for which we stood, 
can justly claim him, and without dispute can boast the distinction of 
being the first to honor and trust him, his fame has leaped the bounds 
of party and country, and now belongs to mankind and the ages." 

The remains of President McKinley — and this form of speaking of 
the man who, when September came, was one of the foremost men in the 
world; the man who of all living had within the last ten years most in- 



4S2 SCENES, INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. 

fluenced the face of the earth and the conditions of mankind — this form 
of referring to all that is earthly of McKinley — comes to the paper on 
which it is written with a shock. It is startling to speak the word. How 
great a sufferer McKinley was from the moment he was shot there are 
few who know. The agony of a shot through the stomach is one of the 
most intense that human nature endures. The wasted face upon which 
thousands gazed while he was at rest in his coffin — the thinning of the 
features — was proof of the remorseless horror of his wound, and it was 
soon a duty to shut down the coffin lid, so that the splendid face that all 
men knew should be seen, as they say, no more forever. 

WILLIAM Mckinley. 

BT GEORGE ALEXANDER KOHUT. 

Where Garfield slumbers and where Lincoln sleeps, 

Renowned in patriot story, 
Another chieftain dreams his peaceful dream — 

His dream of deathless glory. 

There, shrined among the universal brave. 

Whose sacred dust we treasure. 
The Lord of Hosts crowns him with martyr palm, 

And fame in fadeless measure. 

His has become a rare, illustrious name, 

To shine, till time is hoary, 
With Garfield's and with Lincoln's unforgot, 

For this Republic's glory. 



J 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

TTIE TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

His First Omdal Act— His Earliest Transactions Gave Universal Confldencc— In all 
Respects He Makes a (iood Impression — Ho has in all His Ways Hccn Approved 
and all the People Hopefully and ConUdently Wish Him Well— His Oireat MiuneapoUs 
Speech on September 2d. 

p'kESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S FIRST OFFICIAL ACT. 

Buffalo, N. Y., Sept. 14.— Secretary Cortelyou gave out to-night the 
following: 

By the President of the United States of America: 

A proclamation: First part. A terrible bereavement has befallen 
our people. The President of the Unit(Hl States has been struck down 
— a crime committed not only against the chief magistrate, but against 
every law-abiding and liberty-loving citizen. 

President McKinley crowned a life of largest love for his fellow men, 
of most earnesl endeavor for their Avelfarc, by a death of Christian 
fortitude; and both the way in which he lived his life and the way in 
wiiich in the supreme hour of trial he met his death WILL EEMAIN 
FOKEVEK A PKEOIOUS HERITAGE of our pt-ople. 

It is meet that we as a nation express our abiding love and rever- 
ence for his life, our deep sorrow over his untimely deatli. 

Now, therefore, I, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United 
States, do apjioiiit Thursday next, September 10, the day in which the 
body of the dead President will be laid in its last earthly resting place, 
as a day of mourning and praj^er throughout the United States. I 
earnestly recommend all the people to assemble on that' day in their 
respective places of divine worship there to bow down in submission to 
the will of Almighty (Jod, and to pay out of full hearts their liomaf,'e 
of love and reverence to the great and good President whose death has 
smitten the nation with bitter grief. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

2-^ 433 



434 THE TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT. 

Done at the City of Washington the 14th day of September, A. D. 
one thousand nine hundred and one, and of the independence of the 
United States the one hundred and twenty-sixth. 

[Seal.] THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 

By the President: John Hay, Secretary of State. 

It was in a dimly*lighted private library in Buffalo, surrounded by a 
small group of friends, that Theodore Roosevelt, on the afternoon of 
September 14, 1901, raised his right hand and, swearing that he would 
faithfully preserve and obey the Constitution and execute the laws of 
the United States, became the President of the United States. And he 
said : "In this hour of deep and terrible national bereavement I wish 
to state it shall be my intention and endeavor to continue absolutely 
unbroken the policy of President McKinley for the peace and pros- 
perity and honor of our beloved country." 

The declaration of President Roosevelt as soon as he was sworn into 
the great oiifice according to the Constitution and custom, was, in the 
best sense of the word, a stroke of state. The effect upon the country 
was instantly felt to be wholesome. It gave confidence. The next 
stroke was the formal notification — no waiting, no hesitation, no delay, 
that McKinley's Cabinet was to be Roosevelt's Cabinet. This was mak- 
ing assurance doubly sure that there was not to be hasty change. The 
manliness and the gentlemanliness — the same thing — of Roosevelt was. 
again before the country where duty called, and he made no mistakes. 

Col. Theodore Roosevelt is the fifth Vice President who has suc- 
ceeded to the presidential chair by virtue of his office, and like three 
of his predecessors — John Tyler, Andrew Johnson and Chester A. 
Arthur — he will have nearly a full presidential term. 

Theodore Roosevelt, sou of Theodore Roosevelt, of an old New York 
Dutch family, was born at No. 28 East 20th street, New York, October 
20, 1858. His mother's maiden name was Martha Bulloch. He is of 
the ninth generation of the Roosevelt stock in America, The country 
residence of the family has long been at Oyster Bay. He has done a 
good deal of hard reform work in New York City, especially in the 
Police Board. He was the chairman of the New York delegation to 
the Republican National Convention of 1884. His far Western life was 
in Montana on the Little Missouri. His first important book was the 
"Winning of the West." He has written half a dozen Western books 



THE TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT. 435 

I 

on hunting and ranch life, etc. He was appointed by Harrison on the 
United States Civil Service Commission May 12, 1889, and served two 
years under Cleveland in that capacity. He was appointed Police Com- 
missioner May 5, 1895. His book on the naval war of 1812 is a standard 
work, and his service in the Navy Depafrtment and with the Kougk 
Eiders in Cuba is familiar history. 

Mr. Eoosevelt has the distinction of being the youngest President 
ever inaugurated. He is but forty-three, while General Grant, hitherto 
the youngest President, was forty-seven. Roosevelt was not the young- 
est Vice President, .John C. Breckinridge being only thirty-five— the 
constitutional age — when he was elected. 

Colonel Iioosevelt, it will be remembered, was anxious to decline the 
Vice Presidential candidacy, and was hard to convince of the duty to 
take the place. He made an immense impression in his speeches in 
the campaign of 1900. No other Republican candidate would have had 
such potentiality in the West. His war record commends him to all,^ 
and he is one of the most accomplished literary men in the country. 
That Roosevelt was an iri'esistible candidate in the National Republican 
Convention of 1900 was clear from the first, aud the cam^jaign proved 
the' wisdom of the selection. His speeches in the convention were of 
extraordinary force. As the i:)residing officer of the Senate he was a 
quiet, conservative gentleman and an excellent parliamentarian. 

He has a most complimentary unpopularity by those who are of the 
experience or expectation that he will be hard to manage. 

He hastened to Buffalo as soon as he heard the President had been 
shot, and was rejoiced bj- the assurances of the surgeons. A Buffalo 
dispatch September 9th reports him as saying then: 

"I came here because I believed my place was near the President, 
and I will not leave until the situation has entirely cleared up. 

"If I were predicting when I shall leave here I would say to-morrow,, 
because I firmly believe that the physicians will announce to-morrow 
that there is absolutely no doubt that the President will recover. 

"I have been twice to the President's temporary home to-day, and I 
have seen nothing but smiling, happy faces, including a host of physi- 
cians. That would not be so if the bulletins did not tell the exact 
truth." 

The Vice President was asked to express an opinion on legislation 
against anarchy. He said: 



436 THE TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT. 

"It is not the time or place to discuss such matters. The only thing 
to be thought of now is the President's complete rapid recovery," 

Mr. Koosevelt did not leave the Wilcox house until after the noon 
hour, and then he walked the mile to the Presidential qxiarters. Just 
after he had left the mansion he was accosted by a colored man who 
was raking a lawn. 

"Governor, may I shake hands with you?" he said. 

"You certainly may," answered the Vice President, turning quickly 
and grasping his hand, and then, as two laborers with dinner pails and 
tools came up, he shook hands with them. 

"Ain't you afraid to be stopped?" asked one of the men. 

"No, sir," he snapped out, "and I hope no official of this country will 
ever be afraid. You men are our protection, and the foul deed done the 
afternoon of Friday will only make you the more vigorous in your pro- 
tection of the lives of those whom you select to oifice. 

"Such men as you can work with the ballot the salvation of the 
country without resort to violence." 

As he walked on the Vice President discussed the case of the Presi- 
dent and his condition. He said in part: 

"I believe that the bulletins being issued are noue too sanguine. 
In fact, I know they are not. I am perfectly positive that the Presi- 
dent will recover, and, more than that, I believe the illness will be a 
brief one and the recovery rapid. 

"1 had two men and a relative shot in the same manner in the Cuban 
campaign. They lay in the marshes for some time without attendance, 
and yet both recovered. 

"I may say that I have even better information than the bulletins, 
and I again say with great confidence that the President will recover." 

Vice President Roosevelt discredited by action rather than words 
the storj' that he was being guarded by Secret Service men. 

A newspaper man called for him at the Windsor House and without 
consulting anybody he put on his hat and accompanied the visitor to- 
ward the President's quarters. 

No secret service men were about, and the only thing he seemed 
afraid of were the numerous camera fiends. He returned on foot the 
way he had come, walking briskly, with few people recognizing him 
and seemingly without any bodyguard whatever. 



THE TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT. 437 

President Eoosevelt said of his Minneapolis speech that it would 
be found a statement of his views upon many important domestic and 
foreign problems now confronting this nation. Therefore, under the 
circumstances, it becomes of the greatest importance. 

PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S GREAT SPEECH SEPTEMBER 2, 1901— A SPLENDID 
TALK ABOUT AMERICANISM— HIS MEMORABLE MINNEAPOLIS SPEECH. 

In his admirable series of studies of twentieth century problems Dr. 
Lyman Abbott has pointed out that we are a nation of pioneers; that 
the first colonists to our shores were pioneers, and that pioneers selected 
out from among the descendants of these early pioneers, mingled with 
others selected afresh from the old world, pushed westward into the 
wilderness and laid the foundations for new commonwealths. 

They were men of hope and expectation, of enterprise and energy; 
for the men of dull content or more dull despair had no part in the great 
movement into and across the new world. 

Our country has been populated by pioneers, and therefore it has 
in it more energy, more enterprise, more expansive power than any 
other in the wide world. 

You whom I am now addressing stand for the most part but one 
generation removed from these pioneers. You are typical Americans, 
for you have done the great, the characteristic, the typical work of our 
American life. In making homes and carving out careers for your- 
selves and your children, you have built up this State; throughout our 
history the success of the home-maker has been but another name for 
the upbuilding of the nation. 

The men who, with ax in the forest and pick in the mountains and 
plow on the prairies, pushed to completion the dominion of our people 
over the American wilderness, have given the definite shape to our Na- 
tion. They have shown the qualities of daring, endurance and far- 
sightedness, of eager desire for victory and stubborn refusal to accept 
defeat, which go to make up the essential manliness of the American 
character. Above all they have recognized in practical form the funda- 
mental law of success in American life — the law of worthy work, the 
law of high, resolute endeavor. 

We have but little room among our people for the timid, tiie irreso- 
lute, and the idle; and it is no less true that there is scant room in the 



438 THE TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT. 

world at large for the Nation with mighty thews that dares not to be 
great. 

Surely in speaking to the sons of men who actually did the rough 
and hard, aud infinitely glorious work of making the great Northwest 
what it now is, I need hardly insist upon the righteousness of this doe- 
trine. In your own vigorous lives you show by every act how scant is 
your patience with those who do not see in the life of effort the life 
supremely worth living. 

Sometimes we hear those who do not work spoken of with envy. 
Surely the willfully idle need arouse in the breast of a healthy man 
no emotion stronger than that of contempt — at the outside no emotion 
stronger than angry contempt. The feeling of envy would have in it 
an admission of inferiority on our part, to which the men who know 
not the sterner joys of life are not entitled. 

Poverty is a bitter thing, but it is not as bitter as the existence of 
restless vacuity and physical, moral and intellectual flabbiness to which 
those doom themselves who elect to spend all their years in that vainest 
of all vain pursuits, the pursuit of mere pleasure as a sufficient end in 
itself. 

I am in all my feelings national, and neither local nor sectional, and 
I am happy to add, parenthetically, I am not in the least cosmopolitan, 
and it is a pleasure for me to speak to you of Chicago, because Chicago is 
intensely and typically an American city. Of recent years, you have done 
two things because of which you deserve well of the whole nation. You 
have put down and punished (even if not altogether adequately) two 
foul, foreign conspiracies which were hatched in your midst. 

You dealt with the anarchist dynamite-throwers as they deserved 
and you also dealt with, though not as thoroughly as they deserved, the 
members of a foreign dynamite society who, on account of a factional 
.quarrel, had murdered an American citizen. I have full faith that you 
will visit any future offenders of the same sort with even prompter and 
severer punishment, whether they are found in the ranks of the anar- 
chists on one hand or of the Clan-na-Gael or some kindred organization 
on the other. 

From his own standpoint, it is beyond all question a wise thing for 
the immigrant to become thoroughly Americanized. Moreover, from our 
standpoint, we have a right to demand it. We freely extend the hand of 
welcome and good fellowship to every man, no matter what his creed or 



THE TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT. 439 

birthplace, who comes here honestly intent on becoming a good United 
States citizen like the rest of us; but we have a right, and it is our duty 
to demand that he shall indeed be so, and shall not confuse the issues 
with which we are now struggling by introducing among us old-world 
quarrels and prejudices. 

There are certain ideas which he must give up; as, for instance, he 
must learn that American life is incompatible with the existence of any 
form of anarchy or communism, or, indeed, of any secret society having 
murder as its aim, whether at home or abroad; and he must learn that 
we exact full I'vligious tolerance and the complete separation of church 
and state. 

It is not enough that those already Americans shall remain such; the 
immense multitude of newcomers must also become such. The mighty 
tide of immigTation to our shores has brought in its train much of good 
and much of evil; and whether the good or evil shall predominate de- 
pends mainlj^ on whether these newcomers will or will not throw them- 
selves heartily into our national life, cease to be European, and become 
Americans like the rest of us. To bear the name of American is to bear 
the most honorable of title.s, and whoever does not so believe has no busi- 
ness to bear the name at all; and if he comes from Europe, the sooner he 
gets back the better. 

The willfully idle man, like the willfully barren woman, has no place 
in a sane, healthy and vigorous community. Moreover, the gross and 
hideous selfishness for which each stands defeats even its own miser- 
able aims. Exactly as infinitely the happiest woman is she who has 
borne and brought up many healthy children, so infinitely the happiest 
man is he who has toiled hard and successfully in his life work. 

The work may be done in a thousand different ways; with the brain 
or the hands, in the study, the field, or the workshop; if it is honest 
work, honestly done and well worth doing, that is all we have a right 
to ask. 

Every father and mother here, if they are wise, will bring up their 
children not to shirk difiRculties, but to meet and overcome them; not to 
strive after a life of ignoble ease, but to strive to do their duty, first to 
themselves and their families, and then to the whole state; and this 
duty must inevitably take the shape of work in some form or other. 

You, the sons of pioneers, if you are true to your ancestry, must 
make your lives as worthy as they made theirs. They sought for true 



440 THE TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT. 

success, and, therefore, they did not seek ease. They knew that suc- 
cess comes only to those who lead the life of endeavor. 

It seems to me that the simple acceptance of the fundamental fact 
of American life, this acknowledgment that the law of work is the 
fundamental law of our being, will help us to start aright in facing not 
a few of the problems that confront us from without and from within. 

As regards internal affairs, it should teach us the prime need of 
remembering that after all has been said and done, the chief factor in 
any man's success or failure must be his own character; that is, the sum 
of his common sense, his courage, his virile energy and capacity. Noth- 
ing can take the place of this individual factor. 

I do not for a moment mean that much cannot be done to supple- 
ment it. Besides each one of us .vorking individually, all of us have got 
to work together. We cannot possibly do our best work as a Nation 
unless all of us know how to act in combination as well as know how to 
act each individually for himself. The acting in combination can take 
many forms; but, of course, its most effective form must be when it 
comes in the shape of law; that is, of action by the community as a 
whole through the law-making body. 

But it is not possible ever to insure prosperity merely by law. Some- 
thing for good can be done by law, and bad laws can do an infinity of 
mischief; but, after all, the best law can only prevent wrong and injus- 
tice and give to the thrifty, the far-seeing and the hard-working a 
chance to exercise to the best advantage their special and peculiar 
abilities. 

No hard and fast rule can be laid down as to where our legislation 
shall stop in interfering between man and man, between interest and 
interest. 

All that can be said is that it is highly undesirable on the one hand 
to weaken individual initiative, and on the other hand that, in a con- 
stantly increasing number of cases, we shall find it necessary in the 
future to shackle cunning as in the past we have shackled force. 

It is not only highly desirable, but necessai*y, that there should be 
legislation which shall carefully shield the interests of wage-workers, 
and which shall discriminate in favor of the honest and humane em- 
ployer by removing the disadvantage under which he stands when com- 
pared with unscrupulous competitors who have no conscience, and will 
do right only under fear of punishment. 



THE TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT. 441 

Nor can legislation stop only with what are termed labor questions. 
The vast individual and corporate fortunes, the vast combinations of 
capital, which have marked the development of our industrial system, 
create new conditions and necessitate a change from the old attitude 
of the state and nation toward property. 

It is probably true that the large majority of the fortunes that now 
exist in this country have been amassed, not by injuring our people, but 
as an incident to the conferring of great benefits upon the community; 
and this, no matter what may have been the conscious purpose of those 
amassing them. 

There is but the scantiest justification for most of the outcry against 
the men of wealth as such; and it ought to be unnecessary to state that 
any appeal which directly or indirectly leads to suspicion and hatred 
among ourselves, which tends to limit opportunity, and, therefore, to 
shut the door of success against poor men of talent, and, finally, which 
entails the possibility of lawlessness and violence, is an attack upon 
the fundamental properties of American citizenshii>. 

Our interests are at bottom common; in the long run we go up or go 
down together. 

Yet more and more it is evident that the state, and, if necessary, the 
nation, has got to possess the right of supervision and control as regards 
the great corporations which are its creatures; particularly as regards 
the great business combinations which derive a portion of their im- 
portance from the existence of some monopolistic tendency. 

The right should be exercised with caution and self-restraint; but it 
should exist, so that it may be invoked if the need arises. 

So much for our duties, each to himself and each to his neichbor. 
within the limits of our own country. But our country, as it strides 
forward with ever increasing rapidity to a foremost place among the 
world powers, must necessarily find, more and more, that it has world 
duties also. 

There are excellent people who believe that we can shirk these 
duties and yet retain our self-respect; but these good people are in eiTor. 
Other good people seek to deter us from treading the path of hard but 
lofty duty by bidding us remember that all nations that have achieved 
greatness, that have expanded and played their part as world powers, 
have in the end passed away. So they have; so have all others. The 
weak and the stationary have vanished as surely as, and more rapidly 



442 THE TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT. 

than, those whose citizens felt within them the lift that impels generous 
souls to great and noble effort. 

This is another way of stating the universal law of death, which 
is itself pai't of the universal law of life. The man who works, the 
man who does great deeds, in the end dies as surely as the veriest idler 
who cumbers the earth's surface; but he leaves behind him the great 
fact that he has done his work well. So it is with nations. While the 
nation that has dared to be gTeat, that has had the will and the power 
to change the destiny of the ages, in the end must die, yet no less surely 
the nation that has played the part of the Weakling must also die; and, 
whereas the nation that has done nothing leaves nothing behind it, the 
nation that has done a great woi-k really continues, though in changed 
form, forevermore. The Roman has passed away, exactly as all nations 
of antiquity which did not expand when he expanded have passed away; 
but their very memory has vanished, while he himself is still a living 
force throughout the wide world in our entire civilization of today, and 
will so continue through countless generations, through untold ages. 

It is because we believe with all our heart and soul in the greatness 
of this country, because we feel the thrill of hardy life in our veins, and 
are confident that to us is given the privilege of playing a leading part 
in the century that has just opened, that we hail with eager delight the 
opportunity to do whatever task Providence may allot to us. 

We admit with all sincerity that our first duty is within our own 
household; that we must not merely talk, but act, in favor of cleanli- 
ness and decency and righteousness, in all political, social and civic 
matters. No jn-osperity and no glory can save a nation that is rotten at 
heart. We must ever keep the core of our national being sound, and 
see to it that not only our citizens in private life, but above all, our 
statesmen in public life, practice the old, commonplace virtues which 
from time immemorial have lain at the root of all true national well- 
being. 

Yet, while this is our first duty, it is not our whole duty. Exactly 
as each man, while doing first his duty to his wife and the children 
v/ithin his home, must yet, if he hopes to amount to much, strive might- 
ily in the world outside his home; so our nation, while first of all seeing 
to its own domestic well-being, must not shrink from playing its part 
among the great nations without. 

Our duty may take many forms in the future as it has taken many 



THE TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT. 443 

forms in the past. Nor is it possible to lay dowu a hard and fast rule 
for all cases. We must ever face the fact of our shifting national needs, 
of the always-changing opportunities that present themselves. But we 
may be certain of one thing; whether we wish it or not, we cannot avoid 
hereafter having duties to do in the face of other nations. All that we 
can do is to settle whether we shall perform these duties well or ill. 

Right here let me make as vigorous a plea as I know how in favor 
of saying nothing that we do not mean, and of acting without hesitation 
up to whatever we say. 

A good many of you are probably acquainted with the old proverb: 
"Speak softly and carry a big stick — you will go far." If a man con- 
tinually blusters, if he lacks civility, a big stick will not save him from 
trouble; and neither will speaking softly avail, if back of the softness 
there does not lie strength, power. In private life there are few^ beings 
more obnoxious than the man who is always loudly boasting, and if the 
boaster is not prepared to back up his words his position becomes 
absolutely contemptible. 

So it is with the nation. It is both foolish and undignified to indulge 
in undue self-glorification, and, above all, in loose-tongued denunciation 
of other peoples. Whenever on any point we may come in contact with 
a foreign power, I hope that we shall alw^ays strive to speak courteously 
and respectfully of that foreign power. 

Let us make it evident that we intend to do justice. Then let us 
make it equally evident that we will not tolerate injustice being done us 
in return. 

Let UG further make it evident that we use no words which we are 
not prepared to back up with deeds, and that, while our speech is 
always moderate, we are ready and willing to make it good. Such an 
attitude will be the surest possible guarantee of that self-respecting 
peace, the attainment of which is and must ever be the prime aim of a 
self-governing people. 

This is the attitude we snould take as regards the Monroe doctrine. 
There is not the least need of blustering about it. Still less should it 
be used as a pretext for our own aggrandizement at the expense of any 
other American state. 

But, most emphatically, we must make it evident that we intend on 
this point ever to maintain the old American position. Indeed, it is 



444 THE TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT. 

hard to understand how any man can take any other position now that 
we are all looking forward to the building of the isthmian canal. 

The Monroe doctrine is not international law, but there is no neces- 
sity that it should be. All that is needful is that it should continue to 
be a cardinal feature of American policy on this continent; and the 
Spanish-American states should, in their own interests, champion it as 
strongly as we do. We do not by this doctrine intend to sanction any 
policy of aggression by one American commonwealth at the expense of 
any other, nor any policy of commercial discrimination against any for- 
eign power whatsoever. 

Commerciallj^, as far as this doctrine is concerned, all we wish is a 
fair field and no favor; but if we are wise we shall strenuously insist 
that under no pretext whatsoever shall there be any territorial ag- 
grandizement on American soil by any European power, and this, no 
matter what form the territorial aggrandizement may take. 

We most earnestly hope and believe that the chance of our having 
any hostile military complication with any foreign power is very small. 
But that there will come a strain, a jar, here and there, from commer- 
cial and agricultural — that is, from industrial — competition is almost 
inevitable. 

Here again we have got to remember that our first duty is to our 
own people; and yet that we can get justice by doing justice. We must 
continue the policy that has been so brilliantly successful in the past, 
and so shape our economic system as to give every advantage to the 
skill, energy and intelligence of our farmers, merchants, manufacturers 
and wage-workers; and yet we must also remember, in dealing with 
other nations, that benefits must be given when benefits are sought. 

It is not possible to dogmatize as to the exact way of attaining this 
end; for the exact conditions cannot be foretold. In the long run, one 
of our prime needs is stability and continuity of economic policy; and 
yet, through treaty or by direct legislation, it may at least in certain 
cases become advantageous to supplement our present policy by a sys- 
tem of reciprocal benefit and obligation. 

Throughout a large part of our national career our history has been 
one of expansion, the expansion being of different kinds at different 
times. This expansion is not a matter of regret, but of pride. It is vain 
to tell a people as masterful as ours that the spirit of enterprise is not 



THE TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT. 445 

safe. The true American has never feared to run risks when the prize 
to be won was of sufficient value. 

No nation capable of self-government and of developing by its own 
efforts a sane and orderly civilization, no matter how small it may be, 
has anything to fear from us. Our dealings with Cuba illustrate this, 
and should he forever a subject of just national pride. 

We speak in no spirit of arrogance when we state as a simple historic 
fact that never in recent years has any great nation acted with such 
disinterestedness as we have shown in Cuba. We freed the island from 
the Spanish yoke. We then earnestly did our best to help the Cubans 
in the establishment of free education, of law and order, of material 
prosperity, of the cleanliness necessary to sanitary well-being in their 
great cities. 

We did all this at great expense of treasure, at some expense of life; 
and now we are establishing them in a free and independent common- 
wealth, and have asked in return nothing whatever save that at no time 
shall their independence be prostituted to the advantage of some for- 
eign rival of ours, or so as to menace our well-being. To have failed to 
ask this would have amounted to national stultification on our part. 

In the Philippines we have brought peace, and we are at this mo- 
ment giving them such freedom and self-government as they could never 
under any conceivable conditions have obtained had we turned them 
loose to sink into a welter of blood and confusion, or to become the prey 
of some strong tyranny without or within. The bare recital of the facts 
is sufficient to show that we did our duty; and what prouder title to 
honor can a nation have than to have done its duty? We have done 
our duty to ourselves, and we have done the higher duty of promoting 
the civilization of mankind. 

The first essential of civilization is law. Anarchy is simply the 
hand-maiden and forerunner of tyranny and despotism. Law and order 
enforced by justice and by strength lie at the foundation of civilization. 
Law must be based upon justice, else it cannot stand, and it must be 
enforced with resolute firmness, because weakness in enforcing it means 
in the end that there is no justice and no law, nothing but the rule of 
disorderly and unscrupulous strength. 

Without the habit of orderly obedience to the law, without the stern 
enforcement of the laws at the expense of those who defiantly resist 
them, there can be no possible progress, moral or material, in civiliza- 



446 THE TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT. 

tion. There can be no weakening of the law-abiding spirit at home if 
we are permanently to succeed; and just as little can we afford to show 
weakness abroad. Lawlessness and anarchy were put down in the 
Philippines as a prerequisite to inducing the reign of justice. 

Barbarism has and can have no place in a civilized world. It is our 
duty toward the people living in barbarism to see that they are freed 
from their chains, and we can only free them by destroying barbarism 
itself. The missionary, the merchant, and the soldier may each have to 
play a part in this destruction, and in the consequent uplifting of the 
people. 

Exactly as it is the duty of a civilized power scrupulously to respect 
the rights of all weaker civilized powers and gladly to help those who 
are struggling toward civilization, so it is its duty to put down savagery 
and barbarism. 

As in such a work human instruments must be used, and as human 
instruments are imperfect, this means that at times there will be injus- 
tice; that at times merchant, or soldier, or even missionary may do 
wrong. Let us instantly condemn and rectify such wrong when it oc- 
curs, and if possible punish the wrongdoer. But, shame, thrice shame 
to us, if we are so foolish as to make such occasional wrongdoing an 
excuse for failing to perfonu a great and righteous task. 

Not only in our own land, but throughout the world, throughout 
all history, the advance of civilization has been of incalculable benefit 
to mankind, and those through whom it has advanced deseiwe the high- 
est honor. All honor to the missionary, all honor to the soldier, all 
honor to the merchant who now in our day have done so much to bring 
light into the world's dark places. 

Let me insist again, for fear of possible misconstruction, upon the 
fact that our duty is twofold, and that we must raise others while we 
are benefiting ourselves. In bringing order to the Philippines, our sol- 
diers added a new page to the honor roll of American history, and they 
incalculably benefited the islanders themselves. Under the wise ad- 
ministration of Governor Taft the islands now enjoy a peace and liberty 
of which they had hitherto never even dreamed. " 

But this peace and liberty under the law must be supplemented by 
material, by industrial, development. Every encouragement should 
be given to their commercial development, to the introduction of Ameri- 
can industries and products; not merely because this will be a good 



THE TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENT. 447 

thing for our people, but infinitely more because it will be of incalcu- 
lable benefit to tlie people of the Philippines. 

We shall make mistakes; and if we let these mistakes frighten us 
from work, we shall show ourselves weaklings. Half a century ago 
Minnesota and the two Dakotas w-ere Indian hunting grounds. We 
committed plenty of blunders, and now and then worse than blunders, 
in our dealings with the Indians. But who does not admit at the 
present day that we w'ere right in wresting from barbarism and adding 
to civilization the territory out of which we have made these beautiful 
states? And now we are civilizing the Indian and putting him on a 
level to which he could never have attained under the old conditions. 

In the Philippines let us remember that the spirit and not the mere 
form of government is the essential matter. The Tagalogs have a hun- 
dredfold the freedom under us that they would have if we had aban- 
doned the islands. We are not trying to subjugate a people; we are 
trying to develop them and make them a law-abiding, industrious, and 
educated people, and we hope, ultimately, a self-governing people. 

In short, in the work we have done we are but carrying out the 
true principles of our democracy. We work in a spirit of self-respect 
for ourselves and of good will toward others; in a spirit of love for 
and of infinite faith in mankind. We do not blindly refuse to face the 
evils that exist; or the shortcomings inherent in humanity; but across 
blundering and shirking, across selfishness and meanness of motive, 
across short-sightedness and cowardice, we gaze steadfastly toward the 
far horizon of golden triumph. 

If you will study our past history as a nation, you will see we have 
made many blunders and have been guilty of many short-comings, and 
yet that we have always in the end come out victorious because we 
have refused to be daunted by blunders and defeats — have recognized 
them, but have persevered in spite of them. 

So it must be in future. We gird up our loins as a nation, with the 
stern purpose to play our part manfully in winning the ultimate tri- 
umph, and therefore we turn scornfully aside from the paths of more 
ease and idleness, and with unfaltering steps tread the rough road 
of endeavor, smiting down the wrong and battling for the right as 
Greatheart smote and battled in Bunyan's immortal story. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

THE ASSASSIN'S TEIAL AND SENTENCE TO DEATH. 

The Dignity of the Proceedings — The Testimony Tal^en Under Oath of Great Interest — 

The Trial Brought Out the Wretched Wealiness of the Miscreant Murderer— He Played 

His trhastly Part in a Cringing Way, and Made a Most Miserable Show of Himself — 

His Cowardly Collapse When He Arrived at the Prison and Found the Way He Stood 

' with the People — Scenes of His Trial and Sentence. 

The first lesson one has to learn who gets into the hideous clutches 
of the Blood Societies, and are taught that the ballot by which a free 
country must be governed, or chaos comes, is "no good," and the murder 
of the foremost men in governments is the true way to refoinn abuses 
and raze out the wrongs of society — the first lesson is, that there must 
be denial of accomplices, and that the faith of a hero is pledged and 
proven to stick to it that there was no guilty knowledge of the purpose 
of assassination. In the case of the assassin of McKinley, the miserable 
wretch who handled the pistol was well instructed in the primary lie 
underlying his crime. It is fortunate that this creature was preserved 
to exhibit how fearful a thing it is to be an anarchical assassin; how 
feeble his wits; how base his cowardice. The scene on his arrival at 
Auburn, where the peculiar machinery with which the State of New 
York metes out punishment is located, is an object lesson that may 
serve a good jiurpose until the public opinion now formed appears in 
law. Up to the time of his arrival at Auburn, where his house of death 
awaited him, he had not been brought to a realizing sense of the way the 
people feel toward him. He has been guarded as if he was presumed to 
be a precious trust of a public character, and he has known about 
enough to be sure there were dens in which he would be held in high 
esteem. The bitterness of his soul was centered on the refusal to allow 
him tobacco. It need not be forgotten that the mortally-wounded 
President wanted a mild cigar, but it was opposed to the physician's 
policy, and the murderer was also refused cigars, and, strange to say, 
there have been no cries around the country yet about this cruel treat- 
ment of the young man, moved by his teaching to be pleased that he had 
succeeded in murdering the President. When he arrived at Auburn 

448 



TEE ASSASSIN'S TRIAL AND SENTENCE. 449 

he came into closer contact with, the people than at any time since he 
committed the crime for which he was duly tried, found guilty and sen- 
tenced, and the result was when taken to the prison at 3:10 a. m., Sep- 
tember 2Tth, he was dragged from the train which brought him from 
Buffalo through a crowd of three hundred persons surrounding the 
prison gate, and fell howling on the floor of the prison. 

During his progress from the train to the prison gate, between two 
deputies to whom he was handcuffed he was mauled by the crowd. One 
burly fist reached his head and brought instant collapse. His guartls 
had to drag him up the stairs to the prison office. Here he tumbled to 
his knees in abject terroi', frothing at the mouth and uttering the most 
terrifying cries. 

He stumbled to a cane seat and lay there moaning in terror, while 
the crowd hung on to the iron gates and yelled: "Give him to us! Let us 
in at the murderer!" 

So unexpected was the onslaught of the crowd that the police and 
deputies had scarcely time to draw their revolvers and clubs. The ad- 
vance guard made a dash for the crowd. A dozen prison-keepers threw 
ajar the gates. Then came a short, sharp conflict. 

Jailer Mitchell and the guard, Bernhardt, pushed the assassin 
through the great gates, but not before a dozen fists had landed on them 
and their prisoner. The officers hustled him over fifty feet of space to 
the steps leading to the prison office. His legs went back on him on 
the steps. The top was reached, with Mitchell and Bernhardt dragging 
him, limp and shrieking, into the office. His cries were ten'ible — a 
series of prolonged, agonized howls — "Oh, oh !'' 

By the time he was thrown on the settee he was drooling at the 
mouth and every muscle of his body was shaking in the palsy of fear. 

But scant ceremony was accorded him. The handcuffs were taken 
off. He was dragged through the heavy oaken, iron-barred door to the 
warden's office. As a matter of fact, he was carried, Avith his feet dang- 
ling behind him en the ground. Four husky keepers held bis shoul- 
ders and arms. 

They dumped him into a chair, a limp, disheveled figure, his cries 
echoing down the long corridors and arousing all the otlier convicts. 
He was in a state of ab.solute collapse, and when left alone rolled over to 
the floor, where he lay stretched at full length, his eyes rolling in a 
frenzy and his frothing lips twitching convulsively, 

2(i 



450 THE ASSASSIN-'S TRIAL AND SENTENCE. 

Two keepers seized him and commanded him to stand up. His knees 
shoolv and he fell to the floor. 

"Oh! Oh! Oh!" he shrieked again as the howls from the crowd with- 
out came through the windows. 

"Shut up! You're faking!" said Dr. Gern, the prison physician. The 
assassin obeyed the command except that he moaned dismally in a 
quieter tone and continued to writhe in agony. Two keepers stripped 
him of his clothing and placed on him a prison suit of clothing. He was 
not then bathed, nor was his pedigree taken. These formalities were 
complied with later on. 

Five keepers picked him up and dragged him from the office to the 
condemned cell, from which he will never emerge again except to go to 
his death. Dr. Gern went with him. He made an examination of the 
assassin. When he came out of the condemned man's cell he said: "It 
was just pure fright. He is a miserable coward and collapsed when he 
saw the crowd and the prison. Now that he is safe in his cell I guess he 
will brace up. He has partially recovered from his fright." 

Much secrecy was observed in the preparations at Buffalo for the 
assassin's removal to Auburn prison. Sheriff Caldwell, with sixteen 
picked men, left police headquarters shortly before 10 o'clock the morn- 
ing before the removal, closely guarding Czolgosz. A special car had 
been attached to the I'ear of the second section of the 9 :30 New York 
Central train, and to this the assassin was quickly taken. 

Over the door of the prison was a poitrait of McKinley heavily 
draped in black. 

Signs of mourning marked the building, grim reminders of the fact 
that it was in reality the "house of death" — for Leon Czolgosz. 

The trial of Czolgosz began at 10 a. m. Monday, September 23d, at 
Buffalo, in Part 3 of the Supreme Court, Criminal Section, with Justice 
Truman C. White on the bench. Czolgosz was arraigned, pleaded guilty 
and a counter plea was ordered by the Court. A jury was secured at 
2 :30 o'clock in the afternoon. Assistant District Attorney Haller pre- 
sented the case to the jurors, and at 2:45 the first witness for the people 
was put on the stand. (It will be observed there was no idiotic, drivel- 
ing delay about this.) 

The assassin seemed greatly changed from what he was when he 
appeared for his formal arraignment. Then he acted as if dazed. 

When admonished by the court crier to rise and look at the jurors 



THE ASSASSIN'S TRIAL AND SENTENCE. 451 

when they were sworu iu, he rose, but seemed to have no desire to see 
what manner of men were to sit in judgment upon him. He came out 
of his lethargy as soon as the first witness, Samuel J. Fields, chief en- 
gineer of the Pan-American Exposition, began to testify. 

During the afternoon signs of nervousness appeared. Perspiration 
gathered in drops on his cheeks and forehead and he would remove it 
with a soiled handkerchief, crushed in the palm of his hand. 

This is the jury as completed at 2:45 on the first day of the trial: 

Frederick V. Lauer, plumber. 

Richard J. Garwood, street railway foreman. 

Henry W. Wendt, manufacturer. 

Silas Carmer, farmer. 

James S. Stygall, plumber. 

William Loton, farmer. 

Walter E. Everett, blacksmith. 

Benjamin J. Ralph, bank cashier. 

Samuel P. Waldo, farmer. 

Andrew J. Smith, produce dealer. 

Joachim H. Merteus, shoe dealer. 

Robert J. Adams, contractor. 

The remarkable thing about the jury is that every man on it admits 
that he had formed an opinion regarding the guilt or innocence of the 
accused, and it goes without saj'ing that the opinion is "Guilty." 

The Assistant District Attorney made a simple statement of the 
facts. He outlined the crime of which Czolgosz stood accused and indi- 
cated the purpose of the prosecutor to show that Czolgosz's deed was de- 
liberate and premeditated. Nothing was said to indicate any attempt 
to prove a conspiracy implicating Emma Goldman or other anarchists. 

While the Assistant District Attorney was speaking the court offi- 
cials were busy nailing upon a blackboard a large map of the Temple of 
Music, in which the crime occun-ed. 

Samuel J. Fields, a civil engineer, chief engineer of the Pan-Ameri- 
can Exposition, was the first witness. He visited the Temple of Music 
on the day of the crime to take measurements of the positions of articles 
at the time the tragedy took place. 

Percy A. Bliss testified that on the day following the crime he photo- 
graphed the interior of the Teniple of Music at the District Attorney's 
request. The photographs, which were very large ones, were passed to 



452 THE ASSASSIN'S TRIAL AND SENTENCE. 

the defendant's counsel. The latter made no objection to the admission 
of these as evidence and they were then passed to the jurors. 

Dr. Harvey K. Gayloi'd, of Buffalo, who was next called, testified 
that he performed the autopsy on the body of President McKinley. He 
described the location of the wounds. Back of the stomach, he said, 
was a "track into which I could insert the tip of my fingers. It was 
filled with a dark fluidtmatter." The search for the bullet was not con- 
tinued after the cause of death was ascertained. The pancreas was seri- 
ously involved. The cause of death was a gunshot wound. The other 
organs of the body, not affected by the wounds, were in a normal condi- 
tion. 

Dr. Herman Mynter was the next witness. District Attorney Pen- 
ney questioned him closely regarding the operation performed on Presi- 
dent McKinley at the Exposition Hospital. The abdomen was opened. 
The stomach was turned over and a buUethole was found in the back 
of the organ. They could not follow the further course of the bullet, 
and as the President's temperature was rising, it was agreed by the 
lihysicians present that no further search for it was advisable at that 
time. The stomach was replaced and the opening closed with sutures. 

Dr. Mynter then described the period of favorable symptoms shown 
by the patient, his relapse and his death. He epitomized the results 
of the autopsy as proving three things: 

First — There was no inflammation of the bowels. 

Second — There was no injury to the heart. 

Third — There was a gunshot wound in the stomach, and there was 
a gangrenous spot back of the stomach as large as a silver dollar. 

Mr. Penney — What was the cause of death? 

A. The cause was blood poisoning from the absorption of poisonous 
matter caused by the gangrene. Primarily it was the gunshot wound. 

Q. You were present at the consultation? 

A. Yes. Dr. Gaylord performed it. They tried for four hours to 
locate the bullet. 

Q. Why did you stop then? 

A. The family of the President would not allow them to continue 
any longer or to injure the corpse any more. They would not permit 
anything to be removed from the body for bacteriological examination. 

Dr. Matthew D. Mann, another of the physicians who attended 



THE ASSASSIN'S TRIAL AND SENTENCE. 453 

President McKiuley, weut over the ground covered by Dr. Mynter and 
described the operation performed at the Exposition Hospital. 

"To find the tracli of the bullet back of the stomach," Dr. Mann ex- 
plained, ''it would have been necessary to lay open the abdominal cav- 
ity. The performance of that operation would probably have resulted 
fatally, as the President had already grown very weak as a result of the 
first operation." 

Dr. Matthew D. Mann was then called for cross-examination. 

"Was the condition which you found at the autopsy to be expected 
from the nature of the wounds which the President received?" asked 
Mr. Lewis. 

"It was not expected and very unusual. I never saw anything just 
exactly like it," replied Dr. Mann. 

"To what, then, do you attribute the symptoms or indications which 
you discovered, the gangrenous condition of the wound?" 

"It is very difficult to explain it. It may be due to one of several 
things. I think it would be necessary for further examinations to be 
made before any definite explanations could be made. That would be 
the duty of the pathologists." 

"The President was not in a very good physical' condition, was he?" 
asked the attorney. 

"He was somewhat weakened by hard work and want of air and 
conditions of that kind," replied the doctor. 

"You think that had something to do with the result?" 

"Undoubtedly," was the answer. 

On re-direct examination b}- Mr. Penney Dr. Mann was asked if there 
was anything known to medical science that could have saved the Presi- 
dent's life. 

"No," was the reply, without hesitation. 

Louis L. Babcock, v/ho was in charge of the ceremonies in the Tem- 
ple of ^Music on the day of the shooting, followed Dr. Mann. He gave 
details of the arrangements made for the reception, and described the 
position of the President and the points of entrance and exit from the 
Temple of Music and told where he stood when the fatal shots were 
fired. 

"I heard two shots. T immediately turned to the left. I saw the 
President standing still, and he was deathly pale. In front of him was 
a group of men, bearing the prisoner to the floor." 



454 THE ASSASSIN'S TRIAL AND SENTENCE. 

Edward R. Eice, chairman of the Committee of Ceremonies in the 
Temple of Music, was next called. 

"Where were you at the time of the shooting?" asked District Attor- 
ney Penney. 

Mr. Kice indicated the spot on the ground floor plan of the temple, 
near where the President stood. 

"Tell us what you saw?" said District Attorney Penney. 

As chairman of the committee he stood close to the President. It 
was just time to stop the reception, and at that instant he "noticed 
something- white pushed over to the President" and two shots rang out. 
The white object fell to the floor with the man who had it. 

On reaching police headquarters the night of the shooting Mr. 
Quackenbush, the next witness, said he accompanied District Attorney 
Penney to the oflice of Superintendent of Police Bull. 

"Tell us what transpired there," said the district attorney. 

"Mr. Penney and the assistant district attorney had some conversa- 
tion, and then the prisoner, in reply to questions, stated that he had 
killed the President because he believed it to be his duty. He under- 
stood the position in which he had placed himself, and was willing to 
take his chances. Czolgosz said he had gone to the Falls on the previ- 
ous day with the intention of shooting the President, but was unable 
to carry out his intention. He came to Buffalo, and got in line with the 
people at the Temple of Music. The defendant told us how he con- 
cealed his weapon; how he kept his hand concealed in his pocket while 
waiting to reach the President's side. When he reached a point in front 
of the President he fired. If he had not been stopped, he said, he would 
have fired more shots." 

"Did he say anything about planning to kill the President on any 
other occasion?" asked District Attorney Penney. 

"He said he had been watching the President for three or four days 
for a favorable opportunity of shooting." 

"Did he give any reason for wishing to kill the President?" 

"Yes, he said that he did not believe in the present form of govern- 
ment or in any of the institutions of it." 

Continuing, Mr. Quackenbush said: 

"He (Czolgosz) said he had for several years studied the doctrine of 
anarchy. He believed in no government, no marriage regulations, and 
said he attended church for some time, but they talked nonsense and 
he would not continue there." 



TEE ASSASSIN'S TRIAL AND SENTENCE. 455 

"He said he did not believe in the church or state," asked Mr. 
Penney. 

"Yes; he said he believed in free love. He gave the names of several 
papers he had read — four of them — and mentioned one as Free Society." 

"He seemed to be cool and not excited or disturbed?" 

"He seemed to be disturbed, but not mentally'," was the reply. "He 
seemed to be suffering some pain, and constantly applied a handker- 
chief to the side of his face where he was struck, and complained that 
his eyes hurt him. He had no visible marks on his face." 

"What became of the pistol? Do you know?" 

"I have it here," interjwsed the district attorney, as he shewed a 
pasteboard box, but it was not offered as evidence. 

Witness said: 

"The last time I saw it was at the time of the struggle." 

"Did the defendant at this time appear excited?" 

"Not at all." 

"Was he upbraided by anybody there?" 

"Not by anybody." 

"Who asked the questions of him?" 

"I did myself, and all the other officers. He told us about his place 
of birth, his bringing up at Alpena, and his movements from the time he 
got to Cleveland and went to work at the wire mill, his father's farm, 
etc. It was all told in a conversational way." 

"Did he hesitate about answering questions at all?" 

"He did at first. He answered with deliberation, but never refused 
to answer a question. He seemed to take a lively interest in what was 
going on. I asked him to make a brief statement for publication, and 
he wrote out the following: 

" 'I killed President McKinley because I done my duty., I don't 
believe one man should have so much service and another man should 
have none.' This statement he signed. Afterward he made a state- 
ment of two hours' duration. At times he volunteered information and 
went beyond a lesponsive answer." 

Francis P. O'Brien, a private in the Seventy-third Unite<l States 
Coast Artillery, was next called. He had been detailed to guard the 
President at tlie Temple of iMusic, and was standing at the right of the 
President when the shooting occuiTed. His story follows: 

"When I heard the report I was looking at the President and saw the 



456 THE ASSASSIN'S TRIAL ^ AND SENTENCE. 

man. I jumiJed at this defendant. " I saw the smoke coming from his 
hand. I knocked him over against some one, I don't know whom. I 
got the revolver and gave it to my commanding oificer, Captain Wisser." 

''Did you mark it?'' asked Mr. Penney. 

"I put my initials on it." 

Harry F. Henshaw, superintendent of the Temple of Music, was the 
next witness. He said when the shooting occurred he was just on the 
right of the President. Mr. Penney questioned him. 

"As you stood there were you looking toward the people who 
approached the President?" he asked. 

"I was, very carefully," was the reply, "and I noticed this defendant 
in the line approaching the President with his hand pressed against his 
abdomen and incased in something. Then I noticed as he drew near the 
President he extended his left hand. The President put forward his 
right hand. Like a flash the assassin pushed the President's right hand- 
out of the way; then I heard two shots and saw the handkerchief smok- 
ing. The crowd gathered around the defendant so quickly that he was 
lost to my view in an instant. I was at the President's side when the 
President was taken away in the ambulance." 

Just before Judge Lewis started his cross-examination he turned to 
speak to the prisoner, but Czolgosz would pay no attention to him. 

Only a few questions were asked by Judge Lewis and Mr. Henshaw 
was excused. 

At the beginning of the afternoon session Judge Lewis held a brief 
whispered conference with Czolgosz. Mr. Lewis' words were not 
audible to any but the prisoner, who shook his head emphatically in 
reply to some question put to him. Judge Lewis spoke again, and again 
Czolgosz shook his head negatively. 

Superintendent of Police Bull of the Buffalo police department was 
called. 

"Were you present at headquarters when the prisoner was brought 
there on the night of the assassination?" "Yes, sir." 

"Tell us what Czolgosz said." 

"He said he knew President McKinley. He knew that he was 
shooting President McKinley when he fired. The reason he gave was 
that he believed that he was doing his duty. He said that on the day 
President McKinley spoke at the Exposition grounds, the day previous 
to the assassination, he stood near the stand, on the esplanade. No 



THE Assassin's trial and sentence. 457 

favorable opportunity presented itself. He followed the President to 
Niagara Falls and back to Buffalo again. He got in line while the 
reception was in progress, and when he reached the President, fired 
the fatal shots. Czolgosz told me in detail the plans he alone had 
worked out, so that there would be no slip in his arrangements. I 
asked him why he had killed the President, and he replied that he did 
so because it was his duty." 

"Did he say he was an anarchist?" 

"Yes." 

"Did he say any more on that subject?" asked the district attorney. 

"Yes. He said that he had made a study of the beliefs of anarchists, 
and he was a firm believer in their principles. The prisoner also stated 
that he had received much information on the subject in the city of 
Cleveland. He said that he knew a man in Chicago named Isaak. The 
Free Society was the name of an organ mentioned by the prisoner." 

"Did he ever say anything about his motives in committing the 
murder?" asked the district attorney. 

"Yes," was the reply. "He said that he went to the Exposition 
grounds for the express purpose of murdering President McKinley. He 
knew he was aiming at President McKinley when the fatal shots were 
fired. Czolgosz said that all Kings, Emperors and Presidents should 
die." 

Clerk Martin Fisher administered the oath to the prisoner in order 
that his record might be taken. Czolgosz placed his hand upon the 
Bible and nodded his head in assent when the words of the oath were 
finished. He did not speak the usual words, "I do." 

"Speak out loud so the court can hear," said Crier Hess. 

"What is your name?" began Mr. Penney. 

"Leon Czolgosz," came a weak response, scarcely audible to the 
Judge. 

"What is your age?" 

"Twenty-eight," after some hesitation. 

"Where were you bom?" 

"Detroit." 

"Whore did you last reside?" 

"In Buffalo," whispered Czolgosz. His voice seemed husky and his 
mouth dry. He made little effort to speak loudly and moved about 
nervously while the questions were being asked. 



458 THE ASSASSIN'S TRIAL AND SENTENCE. 

•'Where did you live in Buffalo?" 

"On Broadway." 

"Where on Broadway?" insisted Mr. Penney. No answer. 

"At Nowak's?" 

"Yes," after a pavise. 

"What is your occupation? Do you understand the question?" 

Czolgosz shook his head. He seemed to hear poorly and not to 
understand all that was said to him. Mr. Penney repeated his ques- 
tion distinctly and in a loud voice. Then speaking as if half-stupefied, 
Czolgosz said : 

"Yes, sir; I was a laborer." 

"Are you married or single?" 

"Single," came the ready response. 

"Have you attended school?" 

"Yes, sir." 

"What schools have you attended?" 

"The common schools." 

"Did you not attend a church school?" 

He hesitated, then replied with his polite "Yes, sir." 

"Was it a Catholic school?" 

"Yes, sir," again. 

"What was your religious instruction?" pursued Mr. Penney in the 
kindly tone of voice he used in questioning the prisoner. "Did you 
belong to the Catholic church? Were you a Catholic?" 

"Yes, sir, I did," came the reply, after the usual pause. 

"Now, are your parents living or dead?" 

"No, sir," was the answer. 

"You don't understand me quite," said Mr. Penney. "Is your father 
living?" 

"Yes, sir." 

"Is your mother living?" 

"No, sir." 

"Have you been temperate or intemperate in the use of intoxicat- 
ing liquors?" 

No reply came. 

"You don't understand me?" queried the district attorney. 

"No, sir; I don't." 

"Do you drink much?" 



TEE ASSASSIN'S TRIAL AND SENTENCE. 459 

"No, sir." 

"Do you ever get drunk?" 

Again there was a pause. 

"Do you drink very much?" persisted the attorney. 

"Pass on to something else," commanded the Judge. 

"Were you ever formally convicted of crime?'' asked the attorney, 
the final question. 

"No, sir." 

The clerk of the court then asked: "Have you any legal cause to 
show now why the sentence of the court should not now be pronounced 
against you?" 

"I cannot hear that," replied the prisoner. 

Clerk Fisher repeated his question, and Czolgosz replied: "I'd 
rather have this gentleman here speak," looking toward District Attor- 
ney Penney. "I can hear him better." At this point Justice White 
told those in the courtroom that they must be quiet or they would be 
excluded from the room. Mr. Penney then said to the prisoner: 

"Czolgosz, the court wants to know if you have any reason to give 
why sentence should not be pronounced against you. Have you any- 
thing to say to the Judge? Say yes or no." 

The prisoner did not I'eply, and Justice White, addressing the pris- 
oner, said: 

"In that behalf, what you have a right to say relates explicitly to 
the subject in hand here at this time and which the law provides, why 
sentence should not be now pi'onounced against you, and is defined by 
the statute. The first is that you may claim you are insane. The next 
is that you have good cause to offer either in arrest of the judgment 
about to be pronounced against you or for a new trial. Those are the 
grounds specified by the statute in which you have a right to speak at 
this time, and you are at perfect liberty to do so if you wish." 

"I have nothing to say about that," the prisoner replied. 

The court then said, "Are you ready?" addressing the district attor- 
ney, and ^Ir. Penney replied "Yes." 

"Have you anything to say?" again asked Justice White of the 
assassin, 

"Yes," replied Czolgosz. 

"I think he should be permitted to make a statement in exculpation 
of his act, if the court please," said Judge Titus. 



460 THE ASSASSIN'S TRIAL AND SENTENCE. 

"That will depend upon what his statement is," the court replied. 
"Have you (speaking to Judge Titus) anything to say in behalf of the 
prisoner at this time?" 

"I have nothing to say within the definition of what your honor has 
read," replied the attorney, "but it seems to me in order that the inno- 
cent should not suffer by this defendant's crime the court should permit 
him to exculpate at least his father, brother and sisters." 

From the court: "Certainly, if that is the object of any statement 
he wishes to make. Proceed." 

To this the prisoner said: "There was no one else but me. No one 
else told me to do it, and no one paid me to do it." Judge Titus 
repeated it as follows owing to the prisoner's feeble voice: "He says 
no one had anything to do with the commission of his crime but him- 
self; that his father and mother and no one else had anything to do with 
and knew nothing about it." 

The Court — "Anything further, Czolgosz?" 

The Defendant— "No, sir." 

The Court— "Czolgosz, in taking the life of our beloved President 
you committed a crime which shocked and outraged the moral sense of 
the civilized world. You have confessed that guilt, and after learning 
all that at this time can be learned from the facts and circumstances 
of the case, twelve good jurors have pronounced you guilty and have 
found you guilty of murder in the first degree. 

"You have said, according to the testimony of credible witnesses 
and yourself, that no other person aided or abetted you in the commis- 
Bion of this terrible act. God grant it may be so. 

"The penalty for the crime for which you stand is fixed by this 
statute, and it now becomes my duty to pronounce this judgment 
against you. The sentence of the court is that in the week beginning 
October 28, 1901, at the place, in the manner and means prescribed by 
law, you suffer the punishment of death. Remove the prisoner." 

Much comment was excited by the fact that the usual phrasing "and 
may God have mercy upon your soul" was not used by the judge after 
he had pronounced the fatal word "death." He stopped in the middle 
of the ^usual formula, leaving the sentence as harsh in its form as it 
could be made. 

Czolgosz had stood erect while sentence was being pronounced. He 



THE ASSASSIN'S TRIAL AND SENTENCE. 461 

did not tremble. Not a muscle quivered. His cheeks, however, were 
pale and his eyes dilated and very bright. 

The death warrant, signed by Justice White, is addressed to the 
agent and warden of Auburn State Prison, and directs him to execute 
the sentence of the court within the walls of the prison on some day 
during the week beginning October 28th next, by causing "to pass 
through the body of said Leon F. Czolgosz a current of electricity of 
.sufficient intensity to cause death, and that the application of the said 
current of electricity be continued until he, the said Leon F. Czolgosz, 
be dead.'' 

On the way to Auburn the convicted man was talkative. 

It was while on the way to Auburn, under the soothing influence 
of a cigar and while surrounded by a chatty company of officers and 
correspondents, that Czolgosz threw off his reserve and talked of his 
ci'ime. 

"I am sorry I done it," the malefactor finally blurted out in the 
course of his chat. "I wouldn't do it again and I would not have done 
it if I had known what I was doing." 

The prisoner did not seem to realize the additional feelings of revul- 
sion he had provoked in the breasts of the listeners. He was absorbed 
in his cigar and his own thoughts. Presently he rambled ahead: 

"It is awful to feel you killed somebody. I wish I had not done it. 
I would like to live, but I can't now. I made my mistake. I was all 
stirred up and felt I had to kill him. I never thought of doing it until 
a couple of days before. I did not tie the handkerchief on my hand. 
I only dropped it over the gun. I did not think it looked like a sore 
hand, but did not suppose I would be stopped, because the gun did not 
show. I did not try to kill him at Niagara Falls. I did not tell nobody 
and nobody set me on. I did it all myself." 

The prisoner lapsed into quiet but replied to questions. 

"Did you know Count Malatesta or Madame Brusigloli or Bresci or 
any other foreign anarchists?" 

"No, I heard of them, but I never met them. I knew a lot of them 

in Cleveland but nowhere else. I did not know any one from Paterson. 

. "I knew Emma Goldman and some others in Chicago. I heard 

Emma Goldman speak in Cleveland. None of those people ever told 

me to kill anybody. Nobody told me that. I done it all myself." 

"What do you think of your trial?" 



462 THE ASSASSIN'S TRIAL AND SENTENCE. 

"It was all surprising to me. It was more tbaii I expected. I 
thought I would be sentenced right off. What I heard there was more 
than I had heard of before. I hated to hear about the wound and all 
that. I felt glad I killed him and then I felt sorry he did not live after 
I shot him." 

"Had 3'ou thought of Mrs. McKinlej'?'' 

"Why, only that she had not ought to be so privileged and get so 
much." 

"Did you know the shock nearly killed her?" 

The assassin looked up questioningly, hesitatingly. 

"I would be sorry if she died," w^as all he said. 

"Would you like to have a priest before you die, or a minister?" 

This question was a poser for the anarchist. For years he had 
affected to despise the Christian religion. Now he needed comfort. A 
shade of reminiscent expression passed over his countenance. It 
seemed to those studying his countenance that he was thinking of child- 
hood days when with innocent untainted faith he sought and obtained 
comfort from the father confessor. 

Finally he broke the spell. "Maybe a priest," he faltered. That 
was all. 

The moment seemed to represent a crisis in the inner life of the 
assassin. His questioners respected his silence. 

There will be no subject of greater interest in this country than 
the true intention of those who are generalized as anarchists, and 
charged with the direct responsibility of the assassination of President 
McKinley. It is necessary to clear away from the calm consideration 
of the policy of the American people a certain obstructive confusion as 
to the significance of socialism. Socialists are not to be classed as anar- 
chists, and there ai*e professors of anarchy who do not mean murder. 

The assassination of the President has put in motion forces of popu- 
lar sentiment that must result in a public policy. Many citizens call 
continuously for more laws, and assume that the prescription of more 
stringent law is the thing needful and sufficient. 

That which is the remedy is probably revealed already in the public 
opinion that will be discriminating and in many ways punish the dis- 
orderly and dangerous malignants, separating them from the theorists 
whose revolutionary intentions are bubbles. 

There is enough anarchy the logic of which is the massacre of the 



THE ASSASSINS TRIAL AND SENTENCE. 463 

wisest and best of men, to make the task of extirpation difficult, withojit 
including those who are troubled with bad dreams. 

We, the people of the United States, have the power to maintain 
order, to enforce law, to punish criminals, or we have lost the art or 
the abilitv of self government. We may regard ourselves as the/ 
example before the world, where the people really rule, and have,' 
because it is broadly based, the most powerful government that exists. 

Just now "we the people," and we mean the majority of electors, 
are carrying on an investigation the more formidable because it is not 
formal. We have had a frightful lesson, and the martyrdom of the 
President must educate us to ascertain our responsibilities and do our 
duty. 

There is power enough. We can pass the needful laws, but they 
must not be tinged with fanaticism, for so far as they offend our tradi- 
tions they will be impracticable. 

Public intelligence is shaping public opinion. Whether we are self 
governing depends upon the composure to construct, and the expert- 
ness to apply the power of opinion to the elements of disorder, and 
eliminate them. 

It was the first outciw of those who have been denunciatory of our 
government, declaring that our "rulers,'' that is to say, the constituted 
authorities, are the enemies of the poor, forcing the notion that we are 
a people of classes, and that class should rise up against class. It was 
to be observed and regarded that they said the murderer of McKinley 
was not an anai-chist, but a madman. Still he had sympathizers, and 
there are some unsolved mysteries. 

Eeasons are noticeable to support the suggestion that we have not 
found out all about Czolgosz the assassin. He was examined by scien- 
tists and found not be to insane, but he has shown surprising weakness. 
He has not shown a symptom of moral sense. The testimony taken on 
his trial is curiously instructive but not conclusive. Was he morbid 
with malignancy and the folly of a fool — or was he an artist? Did he 
have no accomplices? Was he simply a wild convert of a woman whose 
occupation has been the utterance of harangues? Was it with his own 
mind and money that he made journeys, ascertained the location of the 
President and what his movements were to be? His knowledge of the 
President's time-table was minute. Did he in. a lonesome way pick 
these things up on his own account, and with absolute secrecy? 



464 THE ASSASSIN'S TRIAL AND SENTENCE. 

His conversation when in the hands of the officers gives some counte- 
nance to the statement of the "advanced" radicals who met him that 
they thought such was his excess in dangerous talk that he was a spy. 

In the court there was stupidity in his face and incoherency in his 
words. He stuck to the one assertion that he alone planned and per- 
formed "this crime," as he called it. So obstinate was this persistency 
that it made the impression of a lesson taught by a stronger person 
who fancied he might be used as a tool to commit a murder that would 
be famous. 

He seemed to enjoy the ride from Buifalo to Auburn. He talked 
to the police and the reporters, was almost elated when given a cigar 
to smoke, and was free in his conversation. He asserted that he 
had not made up his mind to kill the President more than a day or 
two. It was a ghastly whim that came to him because the "ballot was 
no good." That was a sort of pivot around which his mind whirled. 
It seemed to him that he ought to be sorry for the harm he had inflicted 
upon Mrs. McKinley, and said, as if he was conscious of making a good 
point, that he would be willing to die for the widow of his victim. 
Clearly during this ride he rather desired the companionship of the man 
to whom he was united by handcufl's. 

To such an ignominious end as this comes the slayer of our beloved 
President. May the time soon come when the people of our great 
republic will take a warning from such tei'rible calamities as have be- 
fallen Lincoln, Garfield and McKinley, and take such action as will in 
future preserve the lives of the great men of our country. 



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